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Why Is Cancer Drug Revlimid So Expensive? — ProPublica

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The pain jolted me awake. It was barely dawn, a misty February morning in 2023. My side felt as if I’d been stabbed.

I had been dealing with pain for weeks — a bothersome ache that felt like a bad runner’s cramp. But now it was so intense I had to brace myself against the wall to stand up.

A few hours after arriving at the emergency room, I heard my name. A doctor asked me to follow him to a private area, where he told me a scan had uncovered something “concerning.”

There were lesions, areas of bone destruction, on top of both of my hip bones and on my sternum. These were hallmarks of multiple myeloma. “Cancer,” he said.

Multiple myeloma is a blood cancer that ravages bone, leaving distinctive holes in its wake. Subsequent scans showed “innumerable lesions” from my neck to my feet as well as two broken ribs and a compression fracture in my spine. There is no cure.

I walked out of the ER in search of fresh air. I sat on a metal bench and did what many patients do. I turned to Google. The first link was a medical review stating that the average lifespan of a newly diagnosed patient was three to five years. My stomach churned.

I soon learned that information was outdated. Most patients today live much longer, in large part due to a drug with a horrific past. It was a doctor at the hospital who first told me I would likely take a thalidomide drug as part of my treatment.

That couldn’t be possible, I told him.

I knew the story of thalidomide, or at least I thought I did. It represented one of the darkest chapters in the history of modern medicine, having caused thousands of severe birth defects after it was given to pregnant women in the 1950s and 1960s. The drug was banned in most of the world, and the scandal gave rise to the modern-day U.S. Food and Drug Administration.

It turns out the drug once relegated to a pharmaceutical graveyard had new life as a cancer fighter.

That drug I take is called Revlimid. It is a derivative of thalidomide, a slightly tweaked version of the parent compound.

Revlimid is now one of the bestselling pharmaceutical products of all time, with total sales of more than $100 billion. It has extended tens of thousands of lives — including my own.

But Revlimid is also, I soon learned, extraordinarily expensive, costing nearly $1,000 for each daily pill. (Although, I later discovered, a capsule costs just 25 cents to make.)

That steep tab has put the drug’s lifesaving potential out of reach for some cancer patients, who have been forced into debt or simply stopped taking the drug. The price also helps fuel our ballooning insurance premiums.

For decades, I’ve reported on outrageous health care costs in the U.S. and the burden they place on patients. I’ve revealed the tactics used by drug companies to drive sales and keep the price of their products high.

Even with my experience, the cost of Revlimid stood out. When I started taking the drug, I’d look at the smooth, cylindrical capsule in my hand and consider the fact I was about to swallow something that costs about the same as a new iPhone. A month’s supply, which arrives in an ordinary, orange-tinged plastic bottle, is the same price as a new Nissan Versa.

I wanted to know how this drug came to cost so much — and why the price keeps going up. The price of Revlimid has been hiked 26 times since it launched. Some of what happened was reported at the time. But no one has pieced together the full account of what the drugmaker Celgene did, how federal regulators failed to rein it in and what the story reveals about unrestrained drug pricing in America.

What I discovered astonished even me.

My journey started with an indefatigable New York City lawyer on a quest to give her dying husband a chance.

Beth Wolmer’s story begins on a moon-splashed beach in the Cayman Islands in the winter of 1995. She and her husband, Ira, were holding hands as they walked in the sand, enjoying a rare break from a hectic life as parents to a 1-year-old daughter and demanding jobs as 30-something professionals in New York City.

They had met through friends and clicked from the start. On Sunday mornings, they sat together for hours, sharing sections of the newspaper and eating bagels. They planned trips to Europe and outings to the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Ira was an interventional cardiologist who followed his father into medicine. Beth was a lawyer at the high-powered firm Skadden Arps.

“We had a great life,” Beth told me. “I specifically remember coming home on the bus and thinking: ‘My life is just perfect, perfect. I’m not going to change a thing.’”

As they walked that night in the Caribbean, Ira felt a sharp pain in his cheekbone. The pain flared several more times during the trip, becoming so intense that it brought tears to his eyes.

When he got home, Ira made an appointment to figure out what was wrong. Imaging tests revealed multiple myeloma. The prognosis was grim. The couple was told Ira had two years to live.

Specialists recommended treatments that would only provide a brief reprieve. The couple searched for someone who could offer something more. That’s when they found Dr. Bart Barlogie in Little Rock, Arkansas.

I’ve never been more scared of a spouse of a patient than I was of her.

Dr. David Siegel, who treated Ira Wolmer

Barlogie had been recruited to the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences from the more prestigious MD Anderson Cancer Center in Houston. In Texas, Barlogie had been frustrated by a medical culture that he viewed as too timid in its approach to multiple myeloma.

He remembers working on a Sunday when a newly diagnosed patient was admitted to the hospital. With few options, Barlogie decided to put the patient on a taxing, four-drug chemotherapy cocktail used for lymphoma patients. It didn’t work. The patient died from a sepsis infection, a known complication of the treatment.

The attending physician later admonished him, Barlogie said, saying, “Bart, we have to learn to treat myeloma gently.” Barlogie said he thought to himself, “Fuck you.”

In Arkansas, Barlogie was in charge. He quickly developed a reputation as a practitioner willing to try anything to fight the fatal disease. Patients from around the world — including the actor Roy Scheider from the movie “Jaws” — flocked to his clinic.

Beth and Ira heard Barlogie before they saw him. The cowboy boots he’d taken to donning since his time in Houston clacked down the linoleum hallway floors. A short, slight man, Barlogie had a booming voice with a German accent. He wore leather jackets and round, red-framed glasses on his bald head.

When he strode into the exam room, he hugged Beth and Ira and told them they had come to the right place.

Now retired, Barlogie recalls being struck by Beth’s intensity. He said she told him “you must do something” to help Ira.

I met Barlogie at his home in Little Rock. We sat in his office, which is filled with photos of the red Ducati motorcycle he used to ride to work. An old license plate with the letters “MMCURED” sat on a shelf, reflecting his goal to find a cure for multiple myeloma.

When Beth and Ira found him, Barlogie told me, he had been having some success with a novel approach that put patients through two stem cell transplants a few months apart, which he called a tandem stem cell transplant. With a transplant, a patient is bombarded with high-dose chemotherapy to kill the cancerous plasma cells. The patient is then infused with healthy stem cells that travel to the bone marrow.

The intense chemotherapy can be grueling and poses a small risk of death.

Ira underwent three transplants. Each time, he relapsed. By the fall of 1997, after two years of treatment, Ira’s thick black hair was gone. He was losing weight. Then he had a stroke. His kidneys failed and required dialysis. He developed pneumonia and had to be intubated.

Beth was determined to keep him alive long enough for their toddler daughter to remember him. With a photograph of Ira smiling with their baby as motivation, she applied her lawyer’s tenacity to the case. She pored over medical journals and peppered oncologists with questions about why what they were trying wasn’t working or quizzing them about a promising study. When doctors told her there was nothing more they could do for her husband, she refused to accept it.

“She is a tiny person, but she is terrifying,” said Dr. David Siegel, part of the team that treated Ira in Arkansas. “I’ve never been more scared of a spouse of a patient than I was of her.” He meant it as a compliment.

By late fall in 1997, Ira was dying and Beth was desperate.

A researcher told her about the work of Dr. Judah Folkman, a surgeon and researcher at Boston Children’s Hospital. Folkman believed the growth of cancerous tumors could be stunted by starving them of a supply of new blood vessels.

Folkman was a workaholic who, when he wasn’t in the operating room or the research lab, was traveling across the world to promote his novel theory of how to attack cancer. Peers had ridiculed his idea since he first proposed it in the 1970s. The prevailing belief at the time was that tumors didn’t need a new blood supply to grow.

A young researcher in his lab, an ophthalmologist named Robert D’Amato, was at work on the top question Folkman had posed. Could they come up with a drug, in pill form, that blocks the growth of new blood vessels?

Folkman has since died, but it wasn’t difficult for me to track down D’Amato. He still works at Boston Children’s Hospital, where he has his own lab and holds the Judah Folkman Chair in Surgery. Now in his early 60s, D’Amato has a youthful energy and speaks in a rapid, matter-of-fact clip.

D’Amato told me that he had set out to find existing drugs that block blood vessel growth. He started by thinking of his own body and side effects caused by certain drugs. A drug that causes hair loss might be the result of the blood supply to hair follicles being shut off, for example. But this exercise wasn’t producing any viable candidates.

After giving it some thought, D’Amato realized he had myopically narrowed his search. What about a woman’s body? There were drugs that stopped menstrual cycles. Then there were drugs that caused birth defects in pregnant women. In both of those cases, it was possible the drug was inhibiting blood vessel growth. He came up with a list of 10 drugs. At the top of the list was one with a devastating history: thalidomide.

Beginning in the 1950s, pregnant women in Europe, Australia and other countries were frequently prescribed thalidomide as a treatment for morning sickness and to help them sleep. The drug was thought to be harmless and in Germany was sold over the counter. An advertisement for thalidomide in the United Kingdom claimed it could “be given with complete safety to pregnant women and nursing mothers without adverse effect on mother or child.”

They were wrong.

The drug was eventually linked to birth defects in more than 10,000 babies. Those babies were born without limbs or with shortened limbs, malformed hands, disfigured faces and damage to internal organs. Nearly half died within months of being born.

By the early 1960s, the drug was widely banned, considered a shameful chapter in the history of pharmaceuticals. It was never sold in the U.S. thanks to the unwavering objections of a resolute reviewer at the FDA named Frances Oldham Kelsey. The close call, however, prompted Congress to require more rigorous safety and efficacy data from drug manufacturers and empower the FDA to monitor the industry more closely.

D’Amato theorized that the thalidomide birth defects were the result of the drug stopping the growth of new blood vessels that the fetus needs to develop. He walked me through his experiments: He cracked a fertilized chicken egg on a glass petri dish and placed thalidomide on the surface. After two days, if no blood vessels grow on the embryo, a halo should appear around the thalidomide sample, showing the drug worked. It didn’t.

Folkman told D’Amato to move on. But D’Amato couldn’t shake the disappointing results. He did more research and realized thalidomide needs to first be broken down in the body to have an effect on humans. He purchased metabolites of thalidomide, repeated the test and this time found a halo around the sample.

He kept experimenting and in 1994 published a paper finding that thalidomide had “clear implications” for treating tumors.

So when Beth called three years later, Folkman told her they should try it.

Barlogie told me he didn’t think it would work. Beth said she had to convince him to try it.

Barlogie agreed to test it on Ira and two other patients who were out of treatment options in early December.

I wanted him alive forever.

Beth Wolmer

The drug did not work for Ira. Beth said just before he died, Ira sat up in bed, kissed her and smiled. It was March 10, 1998. He was 38.

After years of frantically searching for anything that would help, the finality of his death was difficult to accept, she said. “I wanted him alive forever.”

It is unclear what happened with the second patient. The third patient, however, started to get better.

His name was Jimmy. Little more is known about him except that he was a patient of another oncologist at the hospital, Dr. Seema Singhal, and near death before he started the drug. “I told him it might work, but at the very least it would help him sleep,” Singhal said. Shortly after Jimmy took his first dose of thalidomide, Singhal left for a vacation.

Dr. Bart Barlogie and Dr. Seema Singhal Painting by James Lee Chiahan for ProPublica

When she returned two weeks later, her mailbox was full of lab results for Jimmy. He was still alive. She sat down to double-check the results, which showed declining amounts of a cancer marker. “For 30 minutes, I was the only person in the world who knew this worked,” she said.

Singhal walked down to Barlogie’s office to give him the news. “He took me by the hand, opened a window and shouted, ‘Thank you, God,’” she said.

Word of Jimmy’s stunning recovery in Arkansas quickly made its way to the offices of Celgene Corp., located in a small corporate park in a rural patch of northern New Jersey.

The company had just wrapped up a brutal year-end accounting, which showed losses of $27 million on revenue of just $1.1 million. Money was so tight that executives engaged in what one of them called “violent arguments” over whether to charge employees for coffee.

Celgene had acquired the rights to thalidomide patents held by researchers at Rockefeller University in 1992. The company, which was new to pharmaceuticals, planned to use the experience of obtaining FDA approval for thalidomide to develop other drugs.

“It wasn’t meant to be a blockbuster,” said Sol Barer, who started at the company in 1987 and later became CEO.

When Celgene announced plans to develop the disgraced drug for new uses, the only analyst following the company on Wall Street dropped coverage and told Celgene officials they didn’t know what they were doing.

The company thought the largest market would be as a treatment for AIDS patients experiencing dangerous weight loss. To win approval of the drug, however, Celgene selected a use that was already in practice in parts of the world for a small group of patients.

In July 1998, the FDA approved thalidomide for the treatment of a painful complication of leprosy. It was a momentous decision, coming just a few decades after the drug caused so much harm.

The market for leprosy was tiny, but what happened with Jimmy in Arkansas changed everything for the company.

The Arkansas doctors had been busy since first testing thalidomide on Ira Wolmer, Jimmy and the other patient. They quickly got approval to conduct a larger experiment funded by a grant from the U.S. National Institutes of Health. Now, in December 1998, they were ready to share their initial findings at the annual meeting of the American Society of Hematology.

It had been three decades since a new therapy for multiple myeloma had been approved, and there was a buzz among the oncologists gathered in Miami Beach for the conference. So many doctors crowded into the room for the presentation that the fire marshal had to intervene several times to clear exit ways. Word had already spread among multiple myeloma specialists about Jimmy. Now, the assembled doctors wanted to know whether it had been a fluke or a discovery that would fundamentally change how they practiced.

Singhal was tasked with presenting the data. It was a big stage for the 32-year-old doctor, who had only been practicing in the U.S. for two years.

It completely changed the treatment landscape.

Dr. Seema Singhal

The 89 patients in the study were high-risk cases who had undergone prior treatment. They were patients who, like Ira, had run out of options. Now, after thalidomide treatment, one-third had declines in myeloma activity.

Those were stunning numbers, unlike anything seen before in the treatment of multiple myeloma. When Singhal finished, the room erupted in applause.

“It completely changed the treatment landscape,” she said.

I wasn’t able to track down Jimmy, but I have a sense of how he might have felt when he realized the treatment was working.

After my initial emergency room visit, it took time to confirm my diagnosis and do some additional testing. While I waited, the pain worsened. Painkillers barely made a dent. All I could picture was this cancer eating away at my bones, doing more damage every day.

David Armstrong Painting by James Lee Chiahan for ProPublica

Some patients wait months for care. I was lucky enough to meet my oncologist within weeks. He had a script for Revlimid ready to go, part of a regimen of four drugs I would take as standard induction therapy, and I was able to start it within days.

The initial dose of Revlimid cost $18,255 for a month’s supply, and my insurance covered the cost.

Within a month, my blood tests showed a massive drop in a key cancer indicator.

My pain gradually subsided too. By the end of April, I wrote in my journal that the pain was a 3 or 4 instead of the usual 9 or 10. “It doesn’t hurt to get out of bed anymore,” I wrote.

The discovery in Arkansas made thalidomide, which Celgene sold as Thalomid, an instant hit.

As a result, Celgene’s revenue increased nearly sevenfold to $26.2 million in the year after the Miami presentation. It sold its thalidomide pills for $7.50 each.

From those modest beginnings, Celgene took a slightly altered version of that pill and turned it into one of the bestselling and most expensive prescription drugs in history. Celgene’s success with Thalomid was the result of remarkable good fortune, a case where the heavy lifting of discovery and initial testing had already been done, by Beth Wolmer, D’Amato, Barlogie, Singhal and others.

The development of the drug that would become Revlimid took me deep into the confounding, sharp-elbowed world of drug patents, which ostensibly protect drugmakers, allowing them to recoup the massive investments they made in developing a new product. Celgene drew on patent law, a drug safety system and even patient assistance programs to guard the exclusivity of its prized drug and the massive revenue it generated.

Those tactics, detailed in reams of court filings, allowed Celgene to treat Revlimid like a piggy bank, tapping it whenever it wanted.

There was a common internal theme at Celgene that cancer patients were willing to pay almost any amount Celgene charged.

David Schmidt, a former Celgene executive

Amid the early success of Thalomid, Celgene identified two potential threats: One was obvious. Thalidomide caused birth defects, a looming risk that could result in it being pulled from the market.

The other was that Celgene held limited patents on the drug. Patents are exclusive legal rights to inventions, and researchers file them on nearly every aspect of drug development as soon as they can, locking up everything from specific sets of ingredients to the way the drug is used and administered. The more robust patents a company has, the longer it can potentially ward off competitors.

Thalidomide was an old drug and Celgene’s patents did not cover the active ingredient, leaving it open to competition. The patents it did have, covering items such as the optimal dosages and its use in treating particular diseases, were considered weaker and open to a court challenge. If Celgene could create a new version of thalidomide — ideally one that didn’t cause birth defects — the company could seek more and stronger patents that would extend beyond those of the original drug.

So researchers at Celgene tested analogs of thalidomide, which are drugs that have a similar effect but are different from the parent compound in minor ways, such as having one less oxygen atom. The analogs are also more potent than the original, meaning they can achieve a similar effect at lower doses.

Celgene was not alone in its efforts. D’Amato was also studying thalidomide analogs and filing patents on their use, which he and Boston Children’s Hospital licensed to a Celgene competitor, EntreMed Inc.

With dueling patents, the companies sued each other in 2002.

Celgene was newly flush with cash from rising sales of thalidomide. EntreMed, on the other hand, was burning through money as it focused most of its resources on developing other drugs discovered in Folkman’s lab.

In December of 2002, the companies settled.

Celgene agreed to pay Boston Children’s Hospital royalties from future sales of Revlimid. In exchange, the hospital and D’Amato licensed their patents of thalidomide analogs to Celgene. Celgene also agreed to pay EntreMed $27 million.

For Celgene, the fight with EntreMed was a valuable experience. It learned that competition can be neutralized.

Celgene had kept the price of Thalomid low when it was initially intended for AIDS patients, CEO John Jackson told investors in 2004, as the company “didn’t want huge numbers of people demonstrating in front” of its office.

That wasn’t a problem with cancer patients. There was “plenty of room for very substantial increases” in the price of the drug now, Jackson told investors.

It is time for us to take Jimbo to the wood shed.

A senior Celgene official discussing a doctor critical of Revlimid

Just two days earlier, Celgene had hiked the price of Thalomid to $47 a pill.

“There was a common internal theme at Celgene that cancer patients were willing to pay almost any amount Celgene charged,” wrote David Schmidt, a former national account manager at the company, in a whistleblower lawsuit he filed after his employment was terminated in 2008. The lawsuit was voluntarily dismissed by Schmidt. (Jackson didn’t respond to requests for comment; Schmidt declined to talk to me.)

When Celgene launched Revlimid in December of 2005, it set the initial price at $55,000 a year, or $218 a pill, which was about double what analysts expected.

Seven months later, when the FDA approved the drug for multiple myeloma, the price jumped to $70,560 a year, or $280 a pill.

Each dot indicates a new manufacturer list price per pill.

Source: AnalySource

The cost to manufacture each Revlimid pill, meanwhile, was 25 cents. I found a deposition marked “highly confidential” in which a top Celgene executive testified that the cost started at a quarter and never changed.

Even on Wall Street, which cheered higher pricing, the initial cost of Revlimid prompted concern among analysts who tracked the company that such aggressive maneuvering would cause insurers to push back. In the U.S., that is one of the only real checks on the price of prescription drugs.

That fear turned out to be unfounded, and Celgene would repeatedly test the bounds of how high it could go.

At the same time, Celgene worked to mute any criticism of Revlimid.

In 2005, Celgene received reports that Los Angeles oncologist Dr. James Berenson was “bashing” Revlimid in presentations sponsored by patient groups.

In one email, a senior company official said, “it is time for us to take Jimbo to the wood shed.” The company discussed a range of options for dealing with the doctor, from taking legal action to arranging a sit-down with Celgene’s chief executive.

Ultimately, the company appears to have decided on a friendlier course of action. Berenson became a frequent paid speaker and consultant for the company, with payments totaling at least $333,000, according to Celgene disclosures. Berenson declined to comment.

He wasn’t the only doctor the company befriended. Payment records show that between 2013 and 2018, Celgene paid doctors $11 million for speaking engagements and consulting work related to Revlimid. At one point, Celgene rented a suite at the Houston Astros baseball stadium to throw a party for the entire multiple myeloma department at the MD Anderson Cancer Center, according to court testimony. The center said it was unable to verify any of those details.

They remind me of an octopus with many, many tentacles, and at the end of each tentacle is a wad of cash.

David Mitchell, president of Patients For Affordable Drugs

Celgene went on to spread its largesse across the multiple myeloma world. It funded patient groups, sponsored medical meetings and contracted with prestigious academic medical centers.

“They remind me of an octopus with many, many tentacles, and at the end of each tentacle is a wad of cash,” said David Mitchell, a former Washington, D.C., communications executive who launched a nonprofit organization to fight for lower prices after he was diagnosed with multiple myeloma. “Everybody relies on the money.” Mitchell said his group, Patients For Affordable Drugs, does not accept donations from any entity that profits from the development or distribution of pharmaceuticals.

At the same time it showered doctors and patient groups with money, Celgene was shutting Beth Wolmer out. She told me that John Jackson, the CEO at the time, had promised her a paid board seat at the company as a way of compensating her for her role in the discovery before the company cut off communication.

Wolmer sued Celgene in federal court in 2009, seeking $300 million or more for alleged misappropriation of her idea and what she termed the “unjust enrichment” of Celgene.

Celgene said it never promised to compensate Wolmer. The company also suggested she greatly inflated her role in the discovery and, in any event, waited too long to take legal action.

In 2010, a judge granted Celgene’s motion for summary judgment in the case, agreeing that the statute of limitations had expired while at the same time expressing “admiration” for Wolmer’s “contribution to the struggle against this terrible disease.”

Ira and Beth Wolmer in the Cayman Islands Painting by James Lee Chiahan for ProPublica

Wolmer has remarried and changed her name to Jacobson. She remains disappointed about the way she was treated by Celgene. “There was no ambiguity about who found the purpose of this drug, and I’m thrilled that it’s helping so many people,” she said. “Why they treated me that way? I don’t know.”

After the FDA approved Revlimid in late 2005, it also granted Celgene something else: seven years of market exclusivity because the drug treats a rare disease. In those seven years, Celgene raised the price of the drug nine times, increasing the price per pill by 82% to $397 in 2012.

The company also fended off challengers by claiming its patents protected the drug from competition until 2027.

But by 2010 generic makers were already working on copies of the drug, preparing to challenge those patents and enter the market earlier. A government analysis has found that generics generally lower the price of brand name drugs by an average of 85% after just one year.

Celgene was well aware of the danger generics posed and warned in a 2012 financial filing that their entry into the market could have a “material adverse effect” on its finances. At that point, Revlimid sales made up 70% of the company’s revenue.

Celgene needed another move.

The drug still posed a risk of birth defects like the parent compound. In approving the drug, the FDA had mandated a strict safety program to control its prescription and distribution.

Celgene realized early on that this could also be a tool to thwart competition. An internal company presentation at the time noted that the safety program could make it “more difficult for generic companies to access” thalidomide for testing.

Generic drug makers are required by the FDA to test their version against the brand name drug, so they need to buy small amounts of Revlimid from the company.

By 2012, at least six generic makers had requested to purchase Revlimid for testing. In every case, Celgene refused.

Federal regulators took notice. The FDA had warned Celgene that it could not use the safety program “to block or delay approval” of generic competitors. Now, it appeared to be doing just that.

The Federal Trade Commission, which enforces antitrust laws, had been investigating Celgene for years and in June of 2012 notified the company it was poised to take action.

In a previously unreported letter, the FTC said that its staff had recommended filing a legal complaint against the company for refusing to sell to competitors, thereby keeping them out of the marketplace.

The commission’s patience is wearing thin.

FTC official Richard Feinstein to a Celgene attorney

In its letter, the FTC noted that while Celgene refused to sell its drugs to potential competitors, it routinely provided Revlimid to other third parties around the world, including researchers and universities studying the drug.

Then, in August of 2012, the FDA directed Celgene to sell a small amount of Revlimid to a generic competitor.

With both federal agencies bearing down on Celgene, a closed-door meeting was held at FDA headquarters at the end of August. The FTC sent five lawyers, and 11 FDA staffers attended. Celgene showed up with a large contingent that included in-house lawyers and outside counsel.

Celgene started by denying it was using the safety program to block generics, according to minutes of the meeting. (The minutes were filed in a court case against Celgene, and it is unclear if they were prepared by the agencies or the company.) Citing the threat of birth defects, the company said that it had legitimate safety concerns about selling Revlimid to generic companies and that it needed to protect its investment in the drug.

Jane Axelrad, an associate director for the FDA, told Celgene that it was raising safety concerns because “the company does not want generics on the market,” according to the minutes. She declined to comment.

The meeting ended without a resolution. The FDA had no way of enforcing its directive to Celgene. The FTC staff, however, was still determined to act. The agency had spent more than two years investigating Celgene. It hired experts, deposed Celgene officials and obtained internal company documents.

The staff drafted a complaint alleging the company engaged in unfair actions to maintain a monopoly, hoping either that it would push the company to agree to sell to competitors to avoid legal action or that Celgene would be forced to do so by the courts, according to a person familiar with the agency’s stance.

“The commission’s patience is wearing thin,” FTC official Richard Feinstein wrote to the company’s lawyer in February 2013. “We have reached a point where the staff may be instructed in the very near future to commence litigation.” (Feinstein did not respond to emails seeking a comment.)

Celgene appeared to relent, telling the FTC that it would sell to generic makers, as long as the FDA approved their safety plan. In July, the FDA approved the safety protocols of generic maker Mylan.

Still, Celgene refused to sell.

Jon Leibowitz, who was the chairman of the FTC at the time, told me that Celgene’s promise to cooperate, even if it didn’t result in any sales to generic makers, lessened interest in the case among his fellow commissioners. Three of five commissioners need to vote in favor of commencing litigation. Now, in retrospect, he said that “if we knew then what we know now” about the delays, “we certainly would have brought a case.”

The agency would close its case in 2017 without taking any action.

With would-be generic competitors sidelined by Celgene’s refusal to sell drugs for testing, the company continued to raise the price of Revlimid.

They could raise their price any time they wanted to.

Francis Brown, former Celgene sales executive

On a Saturday morning in early March of 2014, Celgene President Mark Alles sent an internal email complaining of disappointing first quarter Revlimid sales. Revenue from the star drug, which had surpassed $1 billion the previous quarter, was down by about 1% — or $11.4 million.

“I have to consider every legitimate opportunity available to us to improve our Q1 performance,” he wrote. But the only idea he proposed was a familiar one: raise the price of the drug.

Alles said he wanted a meeting the following Monday to discuss an immediate 4% price increase, followed by another increase of 3% at the beginning of September.

The company implemented those hikes, along with a third in December. It brought the price of Revlimid to $9,854 a month, or $469 a pill, and helped boost Revlimid sales for the year to $5 billion. Alles didn’t respond to my requests for comment.

“They could raise their price any time they wanted to,” said Francis Brown, a former sales executive at the company, in a 2015 deposition. I wasn’t able to reach Brown for comment.

Celgene found a solution to the generic threat when it struck a deal to settle a lawsuit brought by generic maker NATCO Pharma in 2015. NATCO could bring a generic to market, Celgene agreed, but not for seven more years — in March 2022. Even then, the generic would be limited to less than 10% of the total market for Revlimid in the first year, with gradual increases after that.

The deal set the bar for deals with other rivals for limited generic sales, and it ensured that unlimited generic competition — and lower prices — would not arrive until 2026.

The delayed entry of generics may have been bad news for patients and health care payors, but there was one constituency that was thrilled with the 2015 deal. Celgene’s stock jumped nearly 10% the day after it was announced.

Revlimid turned out to be a unicorn for Celgene, a drug whose financial success proved impossible to replicate.

In October of 2017, Celgene announced it was abandoning a once-promising effort to develop a drug for Crohn’s disease. Shares of Celgene declined by 11%.

As it had done so many times in the past, Celgene tapped Revlimid to try to mitigate the damage. The day it announced the failure of the Crohn’s drug, it quietly raised the price of Revlimid by 9%.

By the end of the year, Celgene had cumulatively raised the cost 20% to $662 a pill, the largest one-year increase in the drug’s history.

That made Revlimid the most expensive Medicare drug that year, with the government insurance program spending $3.3 billion to provide it to 37,459 patients.

At Celgene, the brash increases triggered rare internal dissent. Betty Swartz, the company’s vice president of U.S. market access, objected to the measures in a pricing meeting with the CEO, who at the time was Alles, and other top executives. She said her concerns were swiftly dismissed, according to a whistleblower lawsuit she filed and later dismissed.

“Why would you be afraid to take an increase on our products?” she said the CEO told her. “What could be the worst thing that happens … a tweet here or there and bad press for a bit.” Swartz declined to comment.

The price increases added to the burden faced by many patients. In online groups, patients use words like “ridiculous,” “ugly” and “killer” when talking about the financial pain they have experienced related to the high costs associated with Revlimid. Some have taken out mortgages, raided retirement funds or cut back on everyday expenses like groceries to pay for Revlimid. Others have found overseas suppliers who ship the drug for pennies on the dollar, although doctors caution there’s no way to guarantee quality. Some just decide not to take the drug.

By increasing the price of Revlimid, Celgene executives in several instances boosted their pay. That’s because bonuses were tied to meeting revenue and earnings targets. In some years, executives would not have hit those targets without the Revlimid price increases, a congressional investigation later found.

In total, Celgene paid a handful of top executives about a half-billion dollars in the 12 years after Revlimid was approved.

Robert Hugin, who worked as Celgene’s CEO and then executive chairman, received $51 million in total compensation from 2015 to 2017. Hugin retired in 2018 to launch an unsuccessful Senate bid.

Even sales reps earned more than $1 million a year and were rewarded with trips to resorts such as the Four Seasons in Maui. That pay is more than two times what the average oncologist earns.

I connected with Hugin just before Christmas while he was driving. He was ardent in his defense of the pricing of Revlimid. He told me the drug passes any cost-benefit analysis because of its impact on multiple myeloma patients like myself. “People recognize when you have a breakthrough therapy and you have an opportunity to deliver that, you want to deliver that across the world,” he said. “And I think Revlimid is an example of a product that ends up to be a global lifesaver because of what it did.”

Hugin told me that when Revlimid has unlimited generic competition, the price will be “cheaper than aspirin” and patients will benefit from that low price for many decades.

Celgene also cited the cost of developing drugs and its expansive research efforts as reasons for the high cost of Revlimid. Celgene said it spent $800 million to develop Revlimid and spent several hundred million more on additional trials to study the use of the drug in other cancers. Those combined figures represent about 2% to 3% of Revlimid sales through 2018.

The drug didn’t get any better. The cancer patients didn’t get any better. You just got better at making money. You just refined your skills at price gouging.

Former Rep. Katie Porter, D-Calif.

By the end of 2018, Celgene’s stock was down 56% over the past 15 months amid development failures. Despite the raft of bad news, Alles’ total pay that year increased by $3 million to $16.2 million.

Celgene tried desperately to boost its flagging stock price by buying back $6 billion of its own shares that year.

Ultimately, the buyback was not enough. Just days into the new year in 2019, Celgene announced it had agreed to be acquired by Bristol Myers Squibb in a deal valued at $74 billion.

As part of a severance agreement, top Celgene executives stood to make millions once the deal closed. For Alles, that meant a potential estimated payday of $27.9 million.

In the fall of 2020, Alles appeared before the House Oversight Committee, which was investigating the high cost of prescription drugs. He said pricing decisions “reflected our commitment to patient access, the value of a medicine to patients and the health care system, the continuous effort to discover new medicines and new uses for existing medicines, and the need for financial flexibility.”

When it came time for questions, then-Rep. Katie Porter, D-Calif., quizzed Alles in rapid-fire style about Revlimid. Did the drug change as the price increased? Did it work faster? Were there fewer side effects? The drug was the same, Alles responded.

“So, to recap here,” Porter said. “The drug didn’t get any better. The cancer patients didn’t get any better. You just got better at making money. You just refined your skills at price gouging.”

High prices have consequences beyond individual patients. While there have been tremendous advancements in the treatment of my disease, there is still no cure. The specter of relapse hovers over every blood test, every new ache or pain.

The day I learned I was in remission, in November 2023, was bittersweet. I wrote at the time that I didn’t get to ring a bell — the traditional sign that a cancer patient has finished treatment. Instead, my doctor explained the next step: “maintenance” treatment.

This includes not only continuing Revlimid, but making monthly visits to my cancer center to get a shot of a bone-strengthening drug, have another drug injected into my stomach and blood drawn for lab tests.

“The visit,” I wrote that day, “only reinforced the fact that I’m a patient, and I always will be.”

For most of us, cancer will return at some point after treatment. And for most patients, the drugs eventually stop working.

Revlimid can also be difficult to live with. Some patients quit the drug after developing severe gastrointestinal issues, infections or liver problems. The drug also poses an increased risk of stroke, heart attack and secondary cancers.

Those are the trade-offs for keeping multiple myeloma in check.

Meanwhile, the drumbeat of price increases continues under Bristol Myers Squibb, helping the company bring in $48 billion in revenue from Revlimid since it purchased Celgene. Bristol said its pricing “reflects the continued clinical benefit Revlimid brings to patients, along with other economic factors.” The company said it is “committed to achieving unfettered patient access to our medicines” and provides some financial support for eligible patients. “While BMS develops prices for its medicines, we do not determine what patients will pay out of pocket.”

Last July, the cost of my monthly Revlimid prescription increased by 7% to $19,660.

At the beginning of this year, my insurer switched me to generic Revlimid. I didn’t fight it, thinking it would result in a dramatic decrease in what ProPublica’s health plan pays for the drug.

It turns out it is not much of a savings: The generic costs $17,349 a month.

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LeMadChef
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TL;DR Because we live in a capitalist hellscape.
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acdha
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Do trans people have Second Amendment rights? Wyoming says maybe not.

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Jurisprudence
A young person with green-streaked hair, glasses, and a black t-shirt stands outside on a paved walkway while holding rolled-up papers and a tablet tightly to their chest. They are wearing a dark knit beanie covered in numerous political and social activism buttons, while other partially visible pedestrians and a bicycle stand in the background.

Last September, Ríhanna Kelver was standing outside the Crowbar & Grill in Laramie, Wyoming, preparing to start her bartending shift, when she noticed a group of men across the street. One of them was shouting in her direction, and Kelver heard several homophobic and transphobic slurs as he began approaching her. Moments later, according to court testimony and surveillance footage, the man shoved Kelver to the ground hard enough to injure her tailbone.

Kelver responded by drawing a pistol from her bag, chambering a round, and pointing the weapon at the man who had pushed her. She kept the safety on and never fired. The man and his companions retreated.

Today, Kelver, a 28-year-old trans woman, faces two felony charges—aggravated assault and possession of a deadly weapon with unlawful intent—that could carry up to 15 years in prison. The man who shoved Kelver and who allegedly initiated the confrontation, known only as “S. Durham,” has not been charged.

According to Wyoming Statute Section 6-2-602, people who are lawfully present do not have to try to retreat before using force to protect themselves from imminent death or serious bodily harm. This “stand your ground” law echoes statutes in 29 other states: They remove the duty to retreat, allowing a person to use defensive force as long as they are not the initial aggressor. Kelver’s attorney argues that she acted squarely within state law. The aggravated assault statute under which she was charged exempts situations in which displaying a firearm is “reasonably necessary” for self-defense. Video evidence confirms that Kelver was alone, outnumbered, physically assaulted, and left on the ground facing multiple aggressors.

But Albany County Circuit Court Judge Robert Sanford, who presided over Kelver’s pretrial hearing, agreed with the prosecutor that there was probable cause that she committed the crimes with which she was charged. Kelver must now argue her case in court, risking up to 15 years in prison if she cannot convince a jury that she was acting reasonably in self-defense. Cases like Kelver’s expose key contradictions at the heart of our cherished rhetoric of armed self-defense. The legal right to defend oneself has always proved far more fragile when exercised by the very people who most need protection.

For generations, our nation’s reigning political culture has celebrated armed self-defense as a fundamental right. In recent years, many states—with the blessing of the Supreme Court—have moved aggressively to expand “gun rights,” eliminating permit requirements, loosening restrictions on firearm carry, and framing armed self-defense as an essential expression of individual liberty and good citizenship. Wyoming has joined that movement, passing its “stand your ground” law in 2018 and adopting “constitutional” (aka permitless) carry in 2021.

In many ways, Kelver’s case echoes another one involving a person shoving another to the ground, and the latter brandishing a firearm. In July 2018, 28-year-old Markeis McGlockton took his young son into a Clearwater, Florida, convenience store to purchase snacks. His girlfriend, Britany Jacobs, idled their car in a disabled parking spot, accompanied by the couple’s other child. Upon hearing a commotion outside, McGlockton left the store to see 47-year-old Michael Drejka arguing heatedly with Jacobs. Fearing for his family’s safety, McGlockton shoved Drejka to the ground, and the latter pulled out his handgun.

McGlockton started backing away, but, unlike in Kelver’s case, Drejka fired his gun, striking McGlockton in the chest.

Markeis McGlockton died in front of his family, and Drejka—a white man—claimed that he had acted in self-defense, and that he was in “fear for his life” from the larger, younger Black man. The sheriff did not charge Drejka initially because of Florida’s “stand your ground” statute, which protects an individual’s right to use deadly force if they reasonably believe that their life is in danger.

The case pitted McGlockton’s right to defend his family from a threatening stranger against Drejka’s right to initiate a confrontation over a parking spot and to mete out justice according to his own whim. Due in large part to the release of video footage showing McGlockton starting to back away, Drejka was eventually charged with manslaughter. He was found guilty the year following the incident and is serving a 20-year sentence.

Unlike Drejka, Kelver did not fire her gun, nor did she initiate the confrontation, yet she was not given the benefit of the doubt by local authorities.

Kelver’s experience also fits a long and troubling history of transgender people being punished for their acts of survival. In 2011, Cece McDonald, a Black trans woman in Minnesota, defended herself with a pair of scissors during a racist and transphobic attack. One of her assailants died in the altercation that he initiated. Although evidence indicated that McDonald had been attacked first, she ultimately accepted a plea deal and served 19 months in a men’s prison.

In the same year, Ky Peterson, a young Black trans man in Georgia, shot and killed his rapist. Peterson was sentenced to 20 years and served nine. In each case, the legal system could not recognize the urgent need for protection experienced by people disproportionately targeted for harassment and violence. It is for this reason that transgender people who survive violence often find themselves transformed from victims into suspects—especially if they are nonwhite and/or low-income. Our legal system seems well prepared to scrutinize and punish their acts of self-preservation instead of examining the circumstances that made those acts necessary.

This dynamic is especially striking in Kelver’s case because it collides with another deeply American mythology: that the Second Amendment operates as a universal guarantee for everyone.

Gun rights advocates often describe firearms as the “great equalizer”: A firearm allows a smaller person to defend themselves against a larger attacker; it protects vulnerable individuals who cannot rely on immediate police intervention; it gives ordinary people the means to survive dangerous encounters.

If we accept the great-equalizer premise, then Kelver appears to be a textbook example of the iconic armed citizen endowed with Second Amendment rights. She is a well-trained and responsible gun owner. According to the Laramie Reporter, she was carrying a pistol because she had previously experienced threats from a patron where she worked.* On the night in question, she was physically assaulted by a large man and outnumbered by his companions. And unlike Michael Drejka, she brandished her gun without discharging it. By all accounts, Kelver’s perception of threat was reasonable, which—by Wyoming law—should exempt her from criminal prosecution.

The logic deployed against Kelver is ultimately about much more than her individual claim to “keep and bear” arms for her self-defense. It is about the ways our legal system creates categories of people whose claims to self-defense are treated as ephemeral. Once we decide that some citizens must clear a higher bar before they are permitted to protect themselves, rights stop functioning as rights. They become permissions granted or withheld based on the whims of those who interpret and adjudicate our laws.

Historically, that logic has never remained confined to a single group. Black and Indigenous Americans, labor organizers, immigrants, queer people, political dissidents, abuse survivors, and countless others have discovered that rights celebrated in the abstract can evaporate when exercised against the wrong forces.

At this moment, these forces include a federal government that has turned increasingly against its people while vitiating the rule of law, labeling everyone who resists “violent secular political groups whose ideology is anti-American, radically pro-transgender, and anarchist.”

In this light, the questions raised by Kelver’s case stretch beyond whether she should ultimately prevail at trial.

It is whether we all genuinely possess a right to stand up and defend ourselves from injustice and violence, or whether this right inheres only in certain kinds of people, the ones favored by those in power.

Update, June 5, 2026: This article has been updated to attribute reporting.

Correction, June 9, 2026: This post initially misstated that Kelver had been threatened by a co-worker.

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acdha
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“Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect.”
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LeMadChef
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There's a lot of hype about Chinese EVs—is any of it true?

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The Beijing Auto Show is currently taking place in China, offering those of us behind the Trump tariff curtain a peek at what's increasingly being dubbed the world's most advanced car market. Chinese EVs leave everyone else in the dust, we're told, with infotainment that makes your smartphone look like a StarTac, range numbers that would make a turbodiesel Audi weep, and charging that might be even faster than filling up with gas, depending on the size of your tank.

As an American, I mostly have to take someone else's word for that. If there's one thing Democratic politicians can agree on with Republicans, even now, it's that they don't want cars from Chinese automakers on US roads. Toward the end of his administration, President Joe Biden levied a 100 percent tariff on Chinese EVs. Under the Biden and then Trump administrations, Congress passed a law restricting the sale of Chinese-linked connected car software in the US. President Trump has added further tariffs to Chinese imports, making their cars even less competitive here. And just this week, more than 70 Democratic representatives called for maintaining barriers to Chinese cars for both national security and economic reasons.

This puts those elected officials increasingly out of step with popular sentiment on the Internet (I'm using the Ars comments and social media platform Bluesky as my bellwethers). From what I can see, there's strong appetite for those sweet, cheap Chinese electric vehicles. Headlines like Reuters' claim that "[f]or the average price of a car in the US, you could buy 5 new Chinese EVs" only reinforce that sentiment.

And why wouldn't people want them? The average price of a new vehicle in the US in 2025 rose to $50,326 by year's end. That's up from ~$40,000 in 2020 and $35,000 in 2015. (Those numbers are for the mean; the medians are slightly less, but the difference is not great.)

Despite the sharp increase in 2020 caused by the pandemic and its associated supply shortages, average sales prices appear to have risen relatively linearly over time, according to Cox Automotive's data set. And according to Federal Reserve data, wages have also grown steadily (much of it in the lower four quintiles during the Biden administration).

People visit the booths of Mercedes-Benz and Beijing Automotive Group Co., Ltd. during the 2026 Beijing International Automotive Exhibition in Beijing, capital of China, April 26, 2026. The 2026 Beijing International Automotive Exhibition, which kicked off here on Friday, opens for professional visitors from April 26 to 27. The show in China's capital city has set a new global record for scale, spanning 380,000 square meters across two venues, with 1,451 vehicles on display -- 181 of them premieres and 71 concept cars. (Photo by Ju Huanzong/Xinhua via Getty Images) The auto show might be dead in the US and Europe, but it's apparently alive and kicking in China. Credit: Ju Huanzong/Xinhua via Getty Images

But for most of the 2010s, interest rates were zero or close to it; today, they very much are not. So financed purchases feel even more expensive than the raw inflation statistics would suggest. And it's exacerbating as, according to the Fed, American car buyers are borrowing twice as much as they did in 2009, and for longer. Consumer advice orgs like Edmunds might suggest a 60-month loan, but many car buyers are now financing vehicles over 72 or 84 months to keep their monthly payments down.

No wonder buying a car feels increasingly unaffordable.

Some of the concerns are legitimate

Much of the opposition from lawmakers has been framed in terms of protecting domestic jobs. These are not entirely spurious fears: 952,000 people work in motor vehicle and parts manufacturing in the US, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Some work for Ford and General Motors and the cluster of Stellantis brands we still think of as domestic. But European, Japanese, and Korean automakers also employ tens of thousands of workers, not to mention Tesla and the other startups. There's even more work for suppliers further up the parts chain.

Those jobs are indeed at risk if China were to flood the US with cheap imports. China has been directly subsidizing its green industries to dominate those in Europe and the US (above and beyond the kinds of consumer-facing incentives that the EU and, until recently, the US, also provide). But the advantages of the Chinese car industry go far beyond that. Chinese average wages are a quarter of those in the US, and being able to throw more workers at a factory while still keeping overheads lower than your rivals gives Chinese OEMs a cost advantage. Even more favorable financing terms with suppliers, or not having to pay to license foreign intellectual property, gives them a real boost, according to analysts.

That's why the European Central Bank blamed Chinese competition for causing 240,000 job losses, many of them in the auto industry. There's plenty of alarm sounding from industry executives right now, too. Ford CEO Jim Farley, who spent months driving Chinese cars daily, said last week that there's enough excess capacity in China's car industry to easily swallow the 12 million or so cars currently bought each year in the US. And Koji Sato, outgoing president and CEO at Toyota, warned last month that Japanese automakers were doomed unless they could learn to match the speed of innovation of their new Chinese competitors.

The other stated reason for blocking Chinese cars is the threat to privacy and national security. Again, there are valid concerns here. Just ask the Chinese government, which stopped allowing Teslas to drive near its military bases and other sensitive locations more than five years ago, although that ban was recently dropped after Tesla began complying with Chinese data-security rules. Among those rules? For almost a decade, Chinese automakers have had to hand over copious amounts of data on their customers' driving habits to their government.

Are we getting the whole story?

For all the breathless coverage we read (or see on TikTok or Reels, perhaps), it's very rarely mentioned that those Chinese EVs aren't nearly as cheap when they're imported into Europe. Yes, they're undercutting the competition, but once the cars have been specced to meet European expectations, they might cost more than double their Chinese retail price. So the cars are a few thousand euros or pounds cheaper than established alternatives, but they're hardly the bargains the Internet has promised you.

Parked BYD Co. Dolphin Surf electric vehicle at the model launch event in Paris, France, on Wednesday, May 21, 2025. The launch of the Dolphin Surf, a fully-electric hatchback, will likely strengthen BYD's foothold in Europe at a time when Chinese EV makers have been losing momentum on the continent. Photographer: Cyril Marcilhacy/Bloomberg via Getty Images The <a href="https://arstechnica.com/cars/2025/04/a-small-cheap-ev-you-cant-buy-in-the-us-we-test-the-byd-dolphin/">BYD Dolphin</a> might start at under $14,000 in China, but in the UK, the cheapest one will cost twice that—before you factor in the 20 percent VAT. Just something to consider. Credit: Cyril Marcilhacy/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Did I mention that those Chinese prices have been kept artificially low thanks to a price war among China's hundreds of car companies, driven by government policies that incentivized overproduction?

That price war is mostly over now at the behest of the Chinese government, but the overproduction problem is quite real: China has the capacity to build about 45 million cars a year; last year, it built about 34 million cars, and fewer than half were sold domestically. The flood of Chinese car exports to the rest of the world does not stem from some kind of altruistic intention from President Xi Jinping to increase global mobility.

Those inexpensive cars are also cheap because they make do with small batteries, and the range numbers are based on China's CLTC test. That bears little resemblance to the EPA's testing, which remains the closest approximation of real-world efficiency for EVs.

Let's be clear: Short-range EVs have been a sales disaster in the US. It's ludicrous to pretend otherwise. This country's car buyers' obsession with being able to drive 300 miles uninterrupted, then stop for five minutes before covering another 300 miles, is undeniable. It's also why every automaker selling a car here now puts such a large, heavy, and expensive battery pack between the wheels of their respective EVs. There's a reason the Model S made as much of an impact as it did in 2012—200 miles of range was unheard of. Likewise, when the Chevy Bolt hit the street in early 2017 with a legit 238 miles for a fraction of the price, it was a significant achievement.

The small, short-range EVs that predate or co-existed alongside those—let's call them second-gen lithium-ion EVs that began with the Model S—were compliance cars, offering maybe 150 miles of range on a good day. Unsurprisingly, America turned its nose up at them. The gas-powered Smart Car didn't even suffer from an EV's long recharging times or higher purchase price, and no one can credibly pretend those were a sales success here, either.

The marketeers might have pushed people from sedans to SUVs, but they're not responsible for an environment in which every street has to be wide enough for two fire engines—that's on your local fire department and the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials.

Policies can push things the other way. Kei cars are popular in Japan not because of an inherent preference for tiny cars but because you can't buy a car in Japan without having a parking space for it, and a tiny Kei-sized space is much cheaper than one large enough for a compact car by European, American, or Chinese standards. I recently contacted the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration to see if there's been any movement on the Trump edict to bring them to US roads but have not heard back for a couple of weeks now.

This is what you want?

Li Auto interior.
Li Auto L6 interior. Credit: Li Auto
Nio interior.
NIO ET9 interior. Credit: NIO
Zeekr interior
The Zeekr 9X interior. Credit: Zeekr
An Aito M9 inteiror
The interior of the Seres AITO M9. Credit: Seres

Then there are the cars themselves. Again, I'm mostly judging customer sentiment by 12+ years of reader comments and from what people post on social media, but I had thought we agreed that car interfaces that rely almost entirely on touchscreens are not a positive industry trend. They save OEMs time and money, but a touch interface is unequivocally less safe than buttons, which have to be individually homologated and individually assembled, and in this smartphone age, I certainly don't think the front seat passenger needs a whole extra screen just for them.

But that's what Chinese OEMs are offering, and that's what we're told rivals the invention of the presliced breadloaf in the grand discussion of "best things." Think of every trend in the automotive industry of the last decade that you hate, and you'll probably find plenty of it baked into new Chinese EVs. (On the other hand, LED headlights that also work as movie projectors are kinda cool—not gonna lie.)

Are we truly crying out for even more of a smartphone experience in our cars? I don't know about you, but when I'm behind the wheel, it's a guaranteed time of day when I can't and won't be doomscrolling. If the point is to give me something to do while I'm charging, why won't the phone I already have work?

And that's before the vehicles are crammed full of AI. Chinese automakers have become a new vanguard in the nation's latest five-year plan, with a "revolution" spanning design and production, as well as in-car features like letting you give vague, natural-language directions instead of specifying a specific destination.

One might think that last bit of news would land like a lead balloon among communities with a high degree of disgust for AI. Then again, perhaps not. Principles like solidarity with workers or a commitment to road safety or being distrustful of AI are easy to maintain in the abstract if all they require is the occasional post on the Internet or social media.

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LeMadChef
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What It Was Like Inside Toyota’s Futuristic City, Where Every Resident Is A Beta Tester And An AI Version Of The Former CEO Gives Out Advice

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Tucked away in the shadow of Mount Fuji about 70 miles southwest of Tokyo is Woven City. No, this is not a community made from fibers, but a living company town where Toyota and its partners are assembling a range of technologies and testing them on the residents. Woven City was initially announced at CES in 2020 on the eve of a global pandemic and phase one was completed five years later. Last week, Toyota flew us across the Pacific to find out just what they were stitching up in Woven City.

The name of this new community is both a callback to the company’s origins as the Toyoda Automatic Loomworks and reference to what the automaker is trying to do. The place is multiple things at once, a town, a technological and psychographic proving ground, and an incubator for new ideas. One of the themes of Woven City is “kakezan,” a Japanese word meaning multiplication. All aspects of the city are being woven together into an ecosystem for what communities of the future might look like, attempting to multiply and create a whole that is more than the sum of its parts.

The big unanswered question at this point is whether that whole will be a bold vision of what future safer, more convenient communities could become; a dystopian nightmare that Alex Karp could only dream of; or just Akio’s folly. Let’s take a look at what Woven City looks like.

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What is Woven City?

Woven City sits on the site of the former Toyota Motor East Japan Higashi-Fuji factory. Between 1967 and its closing in 2020, the plant produced more than 7.5 million vehicles including the tiny Sports 800 sports car, Corollas and the Century luxury sedan. Of the original factory buildings, only the stamping plant survives which has been transformed into the ‘inventor’s garage.’ The rest of the site has been turned into a test area called ‘inventor’s field’ and two phases of the residential portion where the weavers live. The inventors and weavers are the two core groups of people at Woven City.

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There is much about Woven City that is not entirely new, but Toyota has combined several aspects that normally don’t co-exist – the creator community (aka the inventors) and a residential group (the weavers) so that they can interact and create a feedback loop.

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“Inventors” and “Weavers” as depicted by Toyota

The Inventor’s Garage

The core of the stamping plant was preserved in a way that invokes its heavy industrial past and looks to the future. All of the stamping presses were removed, apart from one small prototyping press that was kept in its pit with a glass floor above it. Next to that is the pit where a giant press that knocked out body sides used to sit. It has been transformed into a 200-seat theater for presentations. The concrete sides remain, cleaned up as much as the crews could, but still stained by decades worth of die lubricant that soaked into the concrete. Up above, the old skylights and ceiling cranes that moved the multi-ton dies in and out of the presses are still there.

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Other parts of the building have been transformed into maker spaces, test labs, design studios and collaborative workspaces. In many respects, the Inventor’s Garage is very similar to other facilities such as NewLab Detroit that Ford created in the old school book depository that sits next door to Michigan Central Station. NewLab now has over 100 startups in residence working on a wide variety of projects from urban EV charging, to drones and electric RVs. Since it opened last fall, the Woven Inventors Garage has become home to 20 groups of inventors with four more announced on the day we visited.

Many of the initial inventor groups are from within various parts of the Toyota Group, but there are an increasing number of outside partners that were announced during our visit including the AI Robot Association, Dai Ichikosho (a commercial karaoke services supplier), Joby Aviation, and Toyota Financial Services, bringing the total to 24 partners so far.

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The other main group at Woven City are the weavers. These are the residents living in the community. At the moment there are about 100 people living in 55 households made up of Toyota Group employees and their families, including some children. The eventual goal is to have about 2,000 weavers in the community. They are called weavers, because they are integrating the products and services of the inventor group and into the ecosystem they live in, ultimately with the whole of multiplying it all into something greater than the sum of the parts.

During the week of our visit, Woven City held the Kakezan 2026 event where the inventors were showing off what they were working on, several of which have come out of Woven by Toyota (WbyT). This is a business unit of the group that is responsible for much of the advanced technology development including the development of the city. One of the key parts of WbyT is Arene, the software development team.

Arene is responsible for developing the platform that powers new software defined vehicles from Toyota as well as all of the tools and processes to make this a reality. The first products of Arene’s efforts have already reached production in the form of the new infotainment software and Toyota Safety System 4 driver assists that launched on the 2026 RAV4. Both of these systems were developed in-house by Arene and support full over-the-air software update capability.

Smart Logistics 1

According to Jean-Francois Campeau, SVP of Woven and head of Arene, the group does much more than just the software development. They’ve observed the challenges that most legacy automakers have had with modern software development and worked to implement an entirely new organization and processes as well as tools that facilitate agile development. While it’s too early to tell how successful Arene has been, so far we’re not hearing of any of the sort of catastrophic issues that other automakers have had in recent years. Over time, future vehicles will continue to transition to a full Arene-developed software platform that abstracts all of the functions away from the underlying hardware.

The Woven AI Vision Engine

But Arene is doing much more than just the in-vehicle software. It’s also responsible for much of the software at Woven City. This includes the new Woven AI Vision Engine, which is a full vision language model based on an internally developed foundation model. While this is based on similar transformer technology to the chat bots we’ve become familiar with in the last few years, it’s trained on sensor data rather than just the internet’s body of text.

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It’s designed to absorb data from cameras and other sensors and try to make sense of the world and make decisions based on the context and behavior of the actors it “sees.” As expected, this is going to be powering the next generation of assisted and automated driving systems on Toyota and Lexus vehicles, but Arene has designed it to do far more.

As we walked around phase 1 of Woven City, the first thing we noticed was some really interesting architecture with nice details, especially using wood and lots of greenery. But looking closer, you also start to see cameras – a lot of cameras, everywhere. Some of this is because this is both a place where people are living and working, but it’s also a testing ground.

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For example, Toyota is testing collaborative perception systems which use infrastructure based sensing to expand situational awareness for vehicles and drivers. No matter how many sensors you put on a vehicle, those sensors are inherently limited to line of sight. They can’t see around corners of buildings or even past the vehicle in front.

The National Transportation Safety Board recently issued its investigation report into a pair of fatal crashes of Ford vehicles with BlueCruise. In one case the Mach-E in hands-free mode struck a stopped vehicle in the same lane after another vehicle that had been between them pulled over into the adjacent lane. The Ford never braked, but also may not have had enough time to respond because it wasn’t aware of the stopped vehicle.

Another recent incident involved a Waymo robotaxi striking a young child who ran out from behind a parked car. The Waymo detected the girl when she became visible, but by then it was too close to come to a full stop.

Both of these situations might (emphasizing might) have been avoided if infrastructure based sensing had provided information to the vehicles about hazards that were initially out of line of sight. That’s one of the things that Arene is evaluating at Woven City. Similarly, external sensing might detect other hazards or blockages and automatically reroute transit or automated vehicles to avoid gridlock or pre-emptively control traffic signals to aid emergency vehicles.

But there’s also a dark side to all of this that I’ll come back to later.

AI That Pauses Itself With Integrated ANZEN

The Japanese word for security or safety is Anzen and the Arene team has incorporated AI in an interesting way to enhance safety – specifically to make the driver safer by avoiding distractions from AI. The integrated Anzen system is using in-vehicle sensing help detect the driver’s mental and physiological state of mind. Many Toyota vehicles already include an infrared driver monitor camera mounted on the steering column and some also have capacitive sensors in the steering wheel. Pretty much all new vehicles also have torque sensors on the steering column.

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With these sensors the Anzen system develops a baseline model of each driver over time and then tries to detect the driver’s state in real time based on where they are looking, eye gaze, head position as well as what they are doing with their hands. As the driver’s mental/physical state score increases, such as when they need to make a difficult turn or merge onto a highway, it may eventually cross a threshold. When that happens, the in-vehicle interactions with the driver such as navigation prompts or other voice interactions are automatically paused until the driver’s score drops back below the threshold.

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Toyota demonstrated this with a vehicle in a simulation environment. As the driver approached certain situations and the score spiked, the voice system in the vehicle automatically paused until that situation passed. It’s unclear how reliable this system will be in the real world with many drivers that have different responses to stimuli, but there are many companies using in-vehicle sensors to provide a more robust detection of the driver’s state of mind and some of those could be integrated by Toyota to give a more reliable system. In the previously mentioned NTSB BlueCruise report, one of the key recommendations was to improve the reliability of driver attention monitoring so this may be a step in that direction.

Shared Vehicles and Virtual Power Plants

Another benefit of a planned community like this, where enhancing mobility is a target, is that you can build around ideas that hopefully lead to better outcomes for everyone. Toyota is providing the entire community with a shared fleet of bZ electric crossovers and e-Palette shuttles. Since the residences are all apartment style buildings more like what you’ll find in most urban Japanese and Asian cities, parking needs to be somewhat remote. The Woven City team has built a parking garage that incorporates rooftop solar charging, bidirectional charging and a software platform that transforms it all into a virtual power plant (VPP).

When someone needs a vehicle to go somewhere, they can use the Woven City app and request a car. An autonomous tow vehicle–called the Guide Mobi–then brings the vehicle to the driver’s location. The Guide Mobi is designed to be used for a variety of applications including being a general utility vehicle for making deliveries, use by grounds keepers and more. But the summon capability is particularly interesting.

The Guide Mobi is equipped with cameras, radar and lidar to help ensure safe operation in all conditions. The lidar in particular is obviously not on most vehicles today and adds cost. The Guide Mobi stops in proximity to the vehicle about to be delivered and connects via wifi. It then acts as a wireless tow vehicle, using its sensors to safely “tow” the bZ to the location of the driver. When a driver returns from their trip, they can exit by their building and another Guide Mobi will arrive to “tow” the vehicle back to the parking garage.

The virtual towing idea is far from a new one. I got a demonstration of the same idea from Honda at the ITS World Congress in 2014, although in that case the tow vehicle was being driven by a human.

Once parked and plugged in, the fleet of vehicles are charged at least partially from the solar array. They also act as an energy storage system for the whole community. These can help reduce peak loads on the grid and provide some stored solar power during the night. When coordinated with the utility, the VPP can even provide power back to the grid to help maintain balance at peak load times. The entire energy management system has been developed internally at Toyota and it’s currently targeted toward fleet operators. However, it could also be scaled, eventually enabling individual households to participate in providing grid support.

Swake and e-Palette

The bZ fleet is primarily targeted at transportation needs outside of Woven City. Within the community, there are the e-Palette shuttles which can accommodate up to 17-passengers. These were first shown as concepts at the 2019 CES and can be used for more than just moving people. In the early stages of Woven City, the e-Palettes are manually driven, but Toyota and its partners such as May Mobility are also testing automated versions and these will eventually be deployed here as well.

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Toyota is also testing e-Palette as a service where the shuttles can be equipped with a variety of interior upfits. We saw one that was a mobile coffee shop, another set up as a convenience store, and a third was a mobile office space with a work table and a large screen for presentations. Inside the inventors hub building in phase 1, there was a full-size mockup that can be used to test various upfit combinations and system integration.

The other primary method of getting around besides walking is the Swake. This is a personal mobility device designed by Toyota. It’s basically a stand-up three-wheeled scooter, but it leans into turns and has a backrest that riders can lean on for added support. The batteries are swappable and provide about 20 miles of range. It’s not an entirely new concept, Toyota seems to have executed it quite well and while we didn’t have a chance to ride one on the rainy afternoon we spent touring the city, the employees who demo’d the Swake seemed to be having a good time.

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Personal Mobility Vehicle 1

During the construction of Woven City, the crews also built an underground tunnel network that can be used for pickups and deliveries as well as maintenance access. The Guide Mobi vehicles are the primary means for moving items through the tunnels.

Fully Monitored UCC Coffee Shop

One of the fascinating aspects of Japan is the prevalence of vending machines almost everywhere. Walk around Tokyo or other cities and you’ll find banks of vending machines that dispense almost anything. Among those, many sell coffee in cans, a concept that was pioneered by the Ueshima Coffee Company or UCC in 1969. UCC also has a chain of more traditional coffee shops throughout Japan. UCC is one of the inventor partners for Woven City.

One slightly less traditional UCC coffee shop exists in Woven City. Walking in, it all looks pretty normal, you walk up to the counter, order your drink and/or snacks and then sit down. However, if you sit in the back part of the shop, and you look up at the ceiling, you’ll see more of those tell-tale half domes that contain the cameras. But these aren’t just there for security to keep tabs on over-caffeinated teen hooligans that might be looking to cause some trouble.

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The cameras at the UCC shop are there to monitor the behavior of customers as they drink their coffee or tea and are backed up by the aforementioned AI Vision Engine. To me, this is one of the first real instances where I see Woven City’s use of AI perhaps steering into the nefarious zone. Once a customer sits down with a drink, the type of drink is known and the behavior of the customer is recorded and analyzed. Is the customer just sitting there resting? Do they seem tired? Are they going to work on a laptop? How much are they seeming to concentrate? How long do they stick around? UCC wants to know what the response is as part of their market research.

Weavers in Woven City know they are being tracked and they have given their consent before moving in. But this is all something that might not go over as well in another location. And given potential for bias from a self-selected group of participants, it’s not clear how useful the results will actually be. Only time will tell.

The City Itself

There are going to be countless experiments run at Woven City in the coming months and years. But what does the town itself look like? From an architectural perspective, it’s actually quite attractive and modern. There are no single-family homes, but the apartment buildings are all about four to six stories tall and each level is terraced back and features some green space that gives it an inviting feel. In phase 1, the residential buildings are arranged around a central courtyard with common space for people to gather and children to play. The buildings are primarily concrete and glass, but there are other materials worked in, including wood.

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The first hundred residents are all employees of Toyota group companies and their families. Going forward, WbyT wants to bring in more people from partner companies and even outsiders to eventually get to about 2,000 residents. There are other buildings including a welcome center, some commercial space and the inventors hub. The hub is separate from the inventor’s garage and is a space where inventors can interact with the weavers and get direct feedback on projects they are working on. One of the four new inventors, Joby has already installed a simulator for its upcoming e-VTOL aircraft.

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Another is a prototype vending machine from DyDo, a manufacturer of many of the machines already in use across Japan. However, unlike traditional machines, this has no indications of what it contains, or a window to see what products are on offer. There is just a bare white front with a dispensing slot at the bottom. Is it tied in to the Vision AI Engine to detect who is approaching and dispense their usual items automatically? No one present was quite sure how it worked. The unit in the inventor’s hub was covered in post-it notes from weavers providing feedback and while I don’t read Japanese, apparently they were not all praising the new design.

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Say Hello to Akio-Bot

One of the most questionable demonstrations we saw was the Akio AI. Three years ago, Toyoda stepped down as company president and is now chairman of the company his grandfather started. As he approaches his 70th birthday, there was a desire to provide a way for employees to ask questions and get responses that reflect Akio-san’s views and approach to leadership. Thus a team created a retrieval augmented generation (RAG) system based on a large language model.

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They fed the RAG system all of the writings and speeches given by Akio-san for over a decade and began testing it. The goal of RAG is to only provide answers based on the corpus of data provided without making anything up. The system is designed to work with either text or voice input and for a demonstration they had a microphone set up that allowed users to ask questions of the Akio-bot. My friend Tim Stevens asked that since the president recently acknowledged being such a fan of Kei-cars would Toyota bring these little machines to America. The Akio AI gave a mostly non-commital answer that said it would not be easy and it wouldn’t be done because of one person, but only if Toyota felt there was a sufficient market to justify the investment.

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Currently the Akio AI is accessible to Toyota employees through the company Slack although they are also working on a web app. Akio-san has been involved in evaluating the system and providing feedback on the responses so the development team can fine tune it. It’s unclear if the Akio AI will ever be made available to the general public.

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Mockup of Denso dynamic wireless charging system

There are a variety of other projects happening at Woven City including sidewalk delivery bots, a dynamic wireless charging system from Denso and an automated karaoke playlist generator, but the ones I’ve described here give you a pretty good picture of what WbyT is up to.

The Bottom Line

In the end, what is Woven City really all about? A lot depends on your perspective and whether you’re a glass-half-full or ⅞ empty type of a person. If we grant that Toyota only has the best intentions to make society better, safer and easier to get around, it’s a really fascinating approach to a proving ground for new technologies. There’s pretty much nowhere else that you’ll find an automaker test facility where people are actually living there with their families. At least everyone involved is a willing participant with informed consent (at least the adults are if not the children).

This is unlike what Tesla has done for the past decade with AutoPilot/FSD where they are putting beta safety critical software into the hands of untrained customers and seeing how it does on roads with hundreds of millions of people who gave no consent to being part of CEO Elon Musk’s experiment.

The darker side is that we also live in a world where entities like Palantir, Meta, ICE and Chinese government authorities all exist. If the infrastructure for continuous monitoring is there for positive reasons, there’s a good chance it may be utilized by less noble actors to try to control the populace. That’s the glass 7/8th empty scenario. [Ed note: See also: The Dark Knight – MH]

So far, at least in Asia, residents may be somewhat more willing to give up some information about their movements in exchange for the potential benefits of a safer environment. It’s always been apparent that powerful technologies in the hands of those with nefarious intentions can lead to very bad results. Coffee shops full of cameras with AI that detects how people are responding to coffee or what they are doing or a community with cameras and other sensors everywhere, just seems ripe for abuse.

WbyT CTO John Absmeier acknowledges that the group of weavers in Woven City are a somewhat self-selected group that are enthusiastic about the prospect of trying new things which may in turn lead to a bias about their feedback. That’s a prospect that Toyota is going to have to find a way to address so that the results of the testing are more valid.

There’s no guarantee how much if anything that we saw at Woven City will ever pass beyond its perimeter. There are some really cool elements like the parking garage VPP and the Guide Mobi system that are at worst benign but mostly really good. In a better world, this will make communities better places to live. But as I told Ford’s former futurist Sheryl Connelly in a conversation several years ago about my personal view of the world, “I’m hopeful, but not optimistic.”

As I’ve gotten older, my view has definitely skewed toward the not optimistic end of that statement. Hopefully, time will prove me wrong.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The post What It Was Like Inside Toyota’s Futuristic City, Where Every Resident Is A Beta Tester And An AI Version Of The Former CEO Gives Out Advice appeared first on The Autopian.

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LeMadChef
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Our Future Is Being Devoured By Feral Thought Experiments

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I haven’t been writing as much here over the last several weeks, because of multiple other writing commitments. Some of these are about to start bearing fruit. Substack posts will get easier now that the semester is coming to a close, but in the meantime, here’s a short piece to tide you over, and an opportunity for those as wants to take it up.

One of the pieces that is forthcoming (co-authored with Cosma Shalizi) relates indirectly to the theme of this Elias Isquith post. Elias draws a comparison between how AI figures like Altman talk about the future, and the bizarre homespun philosophy of Anton Chigurh, the killer in the movie, No Country for Old Men.1

in both cases, we have men positing that they have a unique grasp of the nature of the universe and the direction of human history. And at the risk of stating the obvious: This is not a small claim!

In another era, in another culture, this hubristic assertion of having discerned the golden path to the inevitable future would be grounds for charges of heresy or blasphemy. The egomania here is astounding, no less so than that of a character who fancies himself Fate (and/or Death) incarnate.

And in both cases, we are confronted with false prophets who are telling us, albeit in different registers, that human superfluousness is either already true (Chigurh) or inevitable (Altman). In the face of such monstrous certainty, despair would be understandable.

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I think that it is worth drawing out a difference between Chigurh and Altman that is hinted at in Elias’s indirect Dune reference. Chigurh’s philosophy is a cockeyed version of determinism, suggesting that we don’t have real choices going forward. Altman is drawing on a much stranger set of notions, which suggests that our present is not determined by our past, or by chance, but by a radically constrained version of the future. A lot of AI discourse reverses the arrow of time, so that instead of a fixed past and an indefinite future, we face a definite future, which directly or indirectly shapes its own past.

This follows from standard arguments about the Singularity. People who subscribe to middling-to-stronger versions of Singularity thinking believe that we are about to hit a massive phase-change in human history, which will have a dichotomous outcome. Once strong AI hits, either the machines master us, or we master the machines. The result is to render present concerns largely irrelevant, except insofar as our collective decisions make us more likely to follow the one path or the other. The AI 2027 paper provides a fine example of the genre.

And it is a genre; a concatenation of LessWrong posts, academic and sort-of-academic articles, think-tank thought pieces, Substack posts and the like, which not only build on a similar set of tropes, but also (and here is the point I want to emphasize) adopt a narrative structure that interprets the present only in terms of some posited near term future of radical transformation. It’s notable how significant elements of the mythology of the Singularity - things that people in this space don’t usually fully believe, but that often indirectly affect their thinking - describes direct intervention by some future that rearranges the past so as to ensure that it comes into being. Here, most obviously, Roko’s Basilisk (more generally; when one considers the collective fate of humanity as an exercise in applied game theory, backward induction may lead you to some very strange conclusions).

This famous quote from Nick Land is even more on point:

what appears to humanity as the history of capitalism is an invasion from the future by an artificial intelligent space that must assemble itself entirely from its enemy’s resources.

The obvious rebuttal is no: we actually can’t see the future of AI. We can’t even engage in the limited kinds of hedged predictions that we can make when we model reasonably well understood phenomena. The question, “How technology will develop in the future?” is an open ended one.. If innovation were predictable in its consequences, like the tech tree in Civilization, we’d be in a very different kind of history altogether than the history we are in.

What we can see are the outcomes of thought experiments. Thought experiments can be very useful as a means of thinking more systematically about unknowns. However, one shouldn’t overestimate what you can do with them. In the end, thought experiments are nothing other than moderately disciplined guesswork. When we mistake them for reliable predictions of what lies ahead, and reshape our world around what they say, we’re liable to end up in a mess, unless we are improbably brilliant, lucky, or both.

But we are in a world where many people - including very important policy makers - see a particular strain of thought experiments as being determinative. I don’t think that these people are stupid or wicked, but I am frustrated with how their arguments are driving out other ways of thinking (that may finally be changing now that concerns about economic disruption are coming to the fore, but it is changing much more slowly than I would like). That makes it much harder to see the enormous variety of futures that might be possible, depending on the choices we make and their consequences, both predictable and stochastic. Those possible futures are being devoured by thought experiments which have gone feral, and have spread like an invasive species from their proper environment into the realm of general discourse. That stunts democratic debate and understanding of the choices we do and don’t have.

Some version of this complaint informs the opening parts of a jointly written paper with Cosma Shalizi that should be out soon. You can plausibly read this classic post of his as yet another version of this complaint, which was aimed at an earlier version of this discourse. If we see the Singularity as having happened in the past, we can better understand the ways in which it is contingent, rather than extrapolating the eschaton from growth charts.

Enough griping: here’s the positive opportunity. The Protopian Prize competition for short fiction that imagines a democratic future is going to open up tomorrow. There will be a $5,000 prize for the winning entry, and I’m going to be one of the judges. While I wasn’t even slightly involved in setting up the prize, and the bit that I am concerned with is not about AI, the competition will surely generate a variety of different possible futures, all of which will start from an understanding of how or whether we can collectively steer towards one direction or another. That kind of steering, is, after all, what democracy involves. I don’t have any further particulars beyond what is on the website, and absolutely don’t want to suggest that people should write in one or another vein (the variety of possibilities seems to be the point) but do encourage you to enter. As per Elias’s post, I would like fewer thought experiments about how we have no or very few choices to make, and more thinking about how our future is not constrained to one or the other narrowly defined path.

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1

Which is based on Cormac McCarthy’s novel. Which in turn, takes its title from Yeats’ Sailing To Byzantium, a great poem that has weird but striking application to current AI debates.

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LeMadChef
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The worlds wealthiest people who are also the worlds STUPIDEST people. Planning for an event that almost certainly won't happen, by making several events that are already in progress worse.

It's worse than religion.
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acdha
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The Lotus Eletre Is The First Chinese-Built EV Sold Under Canada’s Quota Program And It’s Shockingly Good

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It’s amazing what can change in two years. In 2024, Canada moved quickly to match America’s 100 percent tariff rate on EVs made in China. Earlier this year, that tariff rate was relaxed under a new trading scheme. Under this quota system, as many as 49,000 Chinese-built EVs can enter the Great White North at a mere 6.1 percent tariff rate, and the first brand to take advantage of this is Lotus.

Yep, Lotus, the British sports car marque. While many North American enthusiasts will be familiar with the British-built Emira, the brand now builds a whole range of EVs in China thanks to Geely ownership. This technically isn’t the first time the Eletre SUV has been sold in North America, as it enjoyed a brief low-tariff stint before the weight of international trade concerns came barrelling down on it, but shifting tides in Canada make it a far more attractive proposition north of the border. The question is: How good is it, especially now that there’s a proper choice of posh performance-oriented electric SUVs in its price range? I spent a day in the range-topping Carbon Series to find out.

[Full disclosure: Lotus handed me the keys to an Eletre so long as I kept the shiny side up and reviewed it. They also gave an Atmos audio demonstration, followed by hosting an evening industry and client mixer for the local market relaunch. Transportation to and from was paid for by yours truly.] 

The Basics

Battery Pack: 112 kWh lithium-ion.

Drive: Dual-motor all-wheel-drive.

Output: 603 horsepower, optionally 905 horsepower on the Carbon Series.

DC Fast Charging: 350 kW, CCS connector.

Range: 460 km (285 miles) base, 385 km (239 miles) on the Carbon Series.

Base Price: $124,550 Canadian.

Price As-tested: TBA

Why Does It Exist?

Lotus Eletre
Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

From Formula 1 innovation to delightful sports cars, Lotus has an absolutely spectacular pedigree. Unfortunately, as with many small British sports car marques, it also has a history of financial instability. After the untimely death of company founder Colin Chapman, Lotus was owned by a consortium of British investors, followed by General Motors, followed by Bugatti EB110 mastermind Romano Artioli, followed by Malaysian automaker Proton. Nearly a decade ago, Chinese automaker Geely purchased a 51-percent controlling stake in Lotus, and it’s since sought expansion. It seems like Geely is seeking to adopt the old Porsche model, and after seeing what the Cayenne did for Stuttgart’s sports car company, the Eletre SUV has been tasked with achieving the same sort of sales success.

How Does It Look?

Lotus Eletre
Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

Right off the rip, the Eletre looks absolutely nothing like the sports cars of yore. How could it? We’re looking at a distinctly different form factor, although Lotus has been able to put its own twist on things. The aerodynamic channeling is wild, with large air curtains and flow-through ducts up front and huge wheel arch extractors out back that seem primed to shoot gravel should your right foot suddenly become leaden.

Lotus Eletre
Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

In a way, the functional ducts speak volumes about the look of the Eletre. It’s not traditionally handsome, but it’s certainly purposeful. Only time will tell if it can forge its own identity, but a few great colors certainly help. I mean, come on, just look at this green.

What About The Interior?

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Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

Slide behind the wheel of the Eletre, and you’ll immediately know why it commands a six-figure price tag. From the stitched dashboard to the carbon trim, the material spend feels massive. It also all feels remarkably well-screwed-together, with nary a stitch out of place. Lotus has huge luxury aspirations for this model, so it helps that pretty much none of the switchgear appears to be shared with anything else. The e-shifter moves with heft, the paddles for regenerative braking and drive mode selection offer beautiful tactility, even the recline switches for the rear seats have remarkably little shaft play. Speaking of seats, the front thrones are genuinely astonishing. The level of support is nigh-on perfect, and they’ll hug you like your favorite pair of jeans.

How Does It Drive?

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Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

At face value, the Eletre is the antithesis of “Simplify, then add lightness.” We’re talking two-chamber air suspension, more gadgets than a Best Buy, and a base curb weight of more than 5,600 pounds. The thing is, Lotus doesn’t just make sports cars. For decades, the chassis experts in Hethel have helped dozens of marques build better-driving cars, so if anyone can make a 2.5-ton SUV go around a corner, it’s these people. Surprise surprise, the inputs are all there. I’m talking beautifully weighted steering that builds effort with load naturally, air spring pressure, and damping that’s taut but never harsh, even in the Eletre’s most aggro mode. Then there’s the way this absolute unit communicates weight transfer. Instead of trying to completely eliminate body roll, Lotus has dialed in just enough to add feedback without eroding confidence. The result is the best-driving car of this weight class that I’ve ever experienced.

It’s remarkably easy to place on the road, both on tight city streets and when you want to get a bit cheeky with the apexes. You’re aware of what the tires are doing, and instead of feeling like it’s entering a boxing match with physics, the Eletre exhibits remarkable malleability. It loads up and rotates with a surprising degree of confidence, and it’s just as eager to settle down and shut out the world with plenty of suspension travel and high-grade sound insulation. Obviously, this is not a sports car in the same way that a rhinoceros is not a greyhound, but the top-flight Eletre proudly shows traits of a car you want to actively drive. What a lovely surprise.

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Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

So then, what about the other stuff? Well, every Eletre can see up to 350 kW of power through the right sort of DC fast charger, although the port on the car is of the CCS variety rather than the Tesla-style NACS port. The 905-horsepower Carbon Series model I drove isn’t exactly easy on electrons (it’s rated for just 385 kilometers or 239 miles of range), but 460 kilometers (285 miles) of range from the standard 604-horsepower models is right about on par with the similarly priced BMW iX M70 and Porsche Macan Electric 4S. Oh, and it comes with a full suite of advanced driver assistance systems. Job done on that, I reckon.

Does It Have The Electronic Crap I Want?

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Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

Aside from one key thing, a loaded Eletre will get you every gizmo you could possibly want. Massaging front seats, ventilated rear seats, an electrically dimming moonroof, soft-close doors, four-zone climate control, wireless Apple CarPlay and Android Auto, the works. You know what you don’t get, though? A volume knob. Instead, you have to either use the steering wheel controls or swipe down on the top of the infotainment screen to access a virtual slider. Bah humbug.

Speaking of sound, the top-shelf KEF audio system offers tremendously clean low-end extension and solid overall clarity, although Dolby Atmos support is still a bit of a gimmick for really keen audio enthusiasts. It does the immersive audio thing, but it’s currently limited to streaming, and that means you don’t get lossless quality, and the effective bitrate’s about half what you get from an old-school CD. Still, if you want to know the impact a front-mounted subwoofer has on soundstage, hop in a well-specced Eletre. It definitely warms the system up, but it also brings the action closer to you. Good stuff.

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Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

It’s also worth noting that the Eletre has the only good passenger screen I’ve ever encountered. Sure, functionality is limited to displaying relatively basic information like the time, key stats, and the current song playing, but it’s so wonderfully unobtrusive that it actually makes sense. Give whoever’s riding shotgun a little more information, but don’t bombard them with a billboard-sized fingerprint collector.

Oh, and while we’re on the subject of screens, the infotainment system is incredibly slick, with the sort of fluidity you’d expect from an iPad. It’s not perfect—Apple CarPlay integration could use a little work, and I encountered the occasional minor glitch in the native system—but it’s rather promising. We’ve come a long way from the days of aftermarket-supplied head units in Elises and Evoras.

Three Things To Know About The Lotus Eletre

  1. The build quality feels remarkably excellent.
  2. It handles better than anything weighing 2.5 tons should.
  3. It’s the first made-in-China EV sold in Canada under the new import cap scheme.

Does The Lotus Eletre Fulfil Its Purpose?

Lotus Eletre
Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

It depends on how you define the Eletre’s purpose. As a way of offsetting the carbon emissions of the Emira sports car in particularly sensitive markets, it goes above and beyond. Longer-range EVs exist and the dealer network is rather small, but the Eletre drives incredibly well for something weighing more than two-and-a-half tons and feels reassuringly posh.

Thanks to Canada opening up a quota program for Chinese-built EVs, the Eletre now starts at $124,550 Canadian, including a $4,650 freight charge. That’s about $8,000 Canadian less than the 650-horsepower BMW iX M70 xDrive, but about $12,000 Canadian more than the quicker Porsche Macan Electric 4S. Granted, it is much larger than the Porsche, although options do add up similarly quickly. Want soft-close doors, ventilated massaging seats, and configurable ambient lighting? Be prepared to spend an extra $10,000 Canadian on the Eletre Touring. Want the top-shelf 23-speaker audio system with the front subwoofer unit, active aero, and fancy pedals? That’s another $10,000 Canadian on top of the Eletre Touring, or $144,550 Canadian before options.

That’s still quite competitive, and while the Eletre is a European take on a Chinese-built EV, the fact that it rides on a variant of Geely’s SEA platform makes me excited for the future. Geely-owned Zeekr is actively hiring in Canada, and with BYD on Transport Canada’s approved importer list, it’s only a matter of time before I get behind the wheel of fully-Chinese EVs. If they’re anything like this, they’re going to be good.

What’s The Punctum Of The Lotus Eletre?

Lotus Eletre
Photo credit: Thomas Hundal

Regardless of where it’s made, this is one surprisingly fun luxury SUV.

Top graphic image: Thomas Hundal

 

 

The post The Lotus Eletre Is The First Chinese-Built EV Sold Under Canada’s Quota Program And It’s Shockingly Good appeared first on The Autopian.

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