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They call it stupid hot for a reason: Heat muddles animal brains

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On a blazing hot day in South Africa, female southern pied babblers can’t think straight. The medium-sized black-and-white birds are trying to get at tasty mealworms behind a see-through barrier. On cooler days, the birds can quickly figure out that all they have to do is go around the small wall of plastic. But when the mercury goes up, the birds just keep stubbornly pecking at the barrier.

That experiment is part of a growing body of research showing that animals get their minds muddled during heat waves. When it’s hot outside, birds struggle to learn, dogs bite more often, goat-like chamois pick fights. This is bad news not just for those who get on Fido’s toasted nerves. If the animals can’t stay alert enough to find food or avoid predators, their chances of survival go downhill, says Amanda Ridley, a behavioral ecologist at the University of Western Australia who coauthored the pied babbler study.

With climate change making heat waves more common, such cognitive impairments across the animal kingdom could ripple through entire ecosystems, putting already fragile species at greater risk. If pollinators forget which flowers to visit, crops and wild plants may fail. If birds can’t find food as easily, their young may not survive. And on a warming planet, a sharp mind is particularly vital. “A changing climate means that your ability to behaviorally adapt is even more important,” Ridley says.

Hotheaded

There is plenty of evidence that animals are affected by heat. Birds, for example, spend less time looking for food and feeding their young; they even sing less. Instead, they’ll sit around for hours with wings spread to dissipate the heat, and pant with their beaks wide open. Some animals retreat to shade or hide in cool burrows—again, skipping meals. Bees, meanwhile, splash their faces with droplets of water midflight when the weather is sizzling. This way, “they get convective cooling for their brain,” says Emily Baird, a neuroscientist at Stockholm University.

Some of the first hints that hot temperatures can mess up minds, however, came from studies on humans. Back in the 1800s, Belgian astronomer Adolphe Quetelet noticed that violent crime in France peaked in the summer. Later studies linked high temperatures with gun violence, mental-health-related hospital admissions, suicide, and gambling. When it’s hot, people have trouble making decisions, and their memory suffers. For students at schools without air conditioning, a school year just one degree Fahrenheit hotter reduces test scores by 1 percent, a study found.

Increasingly, there’s evidence that other species may also be more aggressive when mercury shoots up. A 2023 study that combed through nearly 70,000 reports of dogs biting people across eight US cities, from Chicago to Baltimore, found that such incidents were more likely to happen on hot, sunny, and smoggy days. The risk was 10 percent higher on a 90° F day than on a 60° F day—and not only because people are more apt to venture out for walks when the sun is shining (the researchers controlled for seasonal effects in their data).

Still, the scientists were unable to determine whether dogs get more aggressive as it gets hot, or if cranky humans provoke more attacks. “It’s likely that both humans and dogs get stressed and more irate at higher temperatures,” said Clas Linnman, a neuroscientist at the University of Miami and a coauthor on the study.

And it’s not only dogs: A 2025 study out of China showed that many animals, including snakes and cats, are more inclined to bite people when it gets hot.

Animals also seem to lose their cool with each other, especially if there is food involved. Scientists used binoculars and spotting scopes to spy on wild goat-like chamois that feed on protein-rich plants on the slopes of the Italian Apennine Mountains. More than 1,600 hours of observations over two summers revealed that when temperatures rose from 54° to 64° F, vegetation grew scarcer, and chamois aggression in turn shot up. The animals became territorial over patches of food, they assumed threatening postures, chased each other—attacks that, at times, escalated. The study authors predict that chamois aggression will go up 50 percent by 2080 due to climate change.

When temps climb and greens become scarcer, chamois become more aggresive with each other, as shown in this video.
CREDIT: N. FATTORINI ET AL / SCIENCE OF THE TOTAL ENVIRONMENT 2023

The small tropical fish called a golden julie also gets confrontational in the heat. Ordinarily, when a golden julie is placed in front of a mirror, it sees its reflected image as a stranger and shows some hostility, raising its fin, for example. But if the normally 78° water is raised to a hot 84°, the fish is more likely to get aggressive, and may bite and slap its tail against the mirror, as it tries to scare or attack the reflected image.

Cognitive problems

Heat waves can also hamper the ability of animals to learn, as Ridley and her colleagues observed with the southern pied babblers. In one of their experiments, the birds were presented with a simple wooden block with two holes drilled in it, each covered with a lid. If the bird pecked at the lid, it would rotate, revealing either an empty hole or a tasty mealworm (the babblers, Ridley says, “are highly motivated by mealworms”). One lid was dark, and the other a lighter shade of the same color. During heat waves, the birds needed twice as many trials to learn that the mealworm was always hidden under the lid of the same shade.

Two photos: a bird looks at a piece of wood with two holes covered by plastic lids; the bird has pecked and opened one lid. A wild pied babbler investigates a contraption that holds a tasty mealworm beneath one of two lids. The birds can learn to associate a lid of a particular color shade with the mealworm treat, but when it’s very hot, it takes the birds much longer to do so. Credit: Royal Society Open Science

Another group of scientists tested zebra finches, pretty Australian songbirds, and discovered that if temperatures are high, they too have cognitive problems. When figuring out how to get a mealworm out of a see-through tube with an opening at one end, they would just keep pecking on the tube, says study coauthor Elizabeth Derryberry, an evolutionary biologist at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville. It’s the bird equivalent of “banging your head against a brick wall,” she says.

Adding to the tally, several years ago researchers showed that when the heat is on, mice have trouble finding their way around a maze and forget objects they’ve seen the day before. More recently, researchers found that male guppies, popular aquarium fish, also have trouble getting through a maze after spending several days in heat-wave-like 90° water, even if the prize for getting it right is a virgin female—which they tend to find particularly attractive.

For animals such as fish and insects that can’t control their body temperature, heat waves could be particularly detrimental. “Changes in air temperature will affect brain temperature,” says Baird. A hotter brain could hinder the functioning of nerves, and that, she says, “might affect sensing, memory, and learning.”

Cross section shows band of cells in the mouse hippocampus. Cross section shows band of cells in the mouse hippocampus. Credit: RAUNAK BASU / UNIVERSITY OF UTAH, SALT LAKE CITY

When Baird and colleagues tried to teach bumblebees to associate sweet sucrose with the color blue and bitter quinine with yellow, most of the bumblebees learned the trick at 77°, but fewer than half managed to do so at 90°. Such impaired cognition could spell trouble in the field: If the insects forget which flowers they should pollinate (in the case of bumblebees, these include tomatoes and blueberries) or how to get back home with nectar, not only will the pollinators suffer, but human agriculture too, Baird says.

Heat appears to dangerously diminish animal vigilance as well. In Ridley’s recent experiments, once mercury in the Kalahari Desert reached 96° F, pied babblers lost their ability to properly respond to predators. In their studies, researchers lured birds toward a mystery shape covered in a sandy-colored blanket, using worms as bait. Once a babbler approached, the scientists would reveal what was hidden underneath: either a taxidermied cat-like carnivore called a genet, or a similarly sized and colored wooden box. The birds got scared of the genet in cooler temperatures—they’d call out, scan their surroundings, or simply flee. But once it got hot, they behaved similarly whether they were facing the carnivore or the box. Ridley suggests that this could translate into higher chances of fatal predator attacks as heat rises, which could harm populations of babblers and other prey species.

These studies are not just abstractions. In the Kalahari, where southern pied babblers use their wits to search for worms, temperatures are rising twice as fast as the global average. In tropical rivers, where male guppies seek mates, heat waves are growing longer and more intense. It’s the same story across much of the planet—temperatures climb, and animal thinking becomes strained, potentially putting species at risk. The effects may be magnified in certain areas such as cities, which often exhibit even warmer temperatures than non-urban areas. If anything, Ridley says, “We are probably underestimating the impacts of increased heat on animal minds.”

This story originally appeared on Knowable Magazine

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Rivian’s Head Of Software Thinks CarPlay And Android Auto Will Be Replaced With AI Agents You Talk To And I Think That’s Stupid

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Who are these people who want to talk to their car to make it do everything? Who are they, where are they, and what the hell is their problem? And, perhaps more importantly, why is one of these woefully misguided people in charge of Rivian’s software and human-machine experience? And why are they so eager to deeply integrate AI “agentic” bullshit into cars?

I’m asking these questions because of an interview done on The Verge’s podcast Decoder that featured Wassym Bensaid, Rivian’s Chief Software Officer, the same man who once said that physical buttons for car controls are an “anomaly.” Oy. I can already tell I’m going to be cranky about all of this. Bensaid also has stated that “I think the car is actually a fantastic environment for AI,” and that “The final north star I have is having voice [controls] become the primary means of interaction with the vehicle.” So, it’s pretty clear where Bensaid stands: he wants a car without physical buttons, and an AI that you talk to controlling everything.

To me, such a car sounds like a technological triumph that I would be more than happy to roll off a cliff.

It’s also worth remembering that Rivian is one of those companies that makes you control where your HVAC vents are blowing by swiping at a touch screen with a little picture of a dashboard on it, inches from the actual dashboard vents. You know, like how an idiot would choose to control where air blows.

But let’s get back to this AI agent business that Bensaid is so hot on. This is part of why Rivian is so against integrating Apple CarPlay or Android Auto into their cars, even though so many people seem to want that, with many buyers considering it a requirement for any new car they may buy. From Rivian’s point of view, phone mirroring systems like CarPlay or Android Auto are bad because, according to Bensaid,

“The challenge with screen mirroring solutions is that they take over every single pixel in the car, and that’s not the way we see ourselves interacting with our users.”

… which is just a PR-massaged way of saying they don’t want to give up their screen real estate to a company they don’t control. Instead, Rivian –like a number of other automakers – would much rather you only use their own in-house UX for your interactions with the car, and in Rivian’s case, it looks like this will soon become far more voice-focused. As Bensaid says in the podcast,

“I think we are on the cusp of something really big. When you think about it, you’re in a car, you’re driving, you’re focused on the road. So, in theory, the primary interface with which you should be interacting with the car is actually voice. The only reason that drivers and consumers do not interact with the car through voice is that, to put it really bluntly, the technology has been broken. That’s really the beauty of what we have now with the technology disruption coming with foundational models.”

See, I’d have to disagree here. Even if you’re focused on the road, that doesn’t mean voice should be the “primary interface” with which you should be interacting with your car. Driving is a physical task; the primary interface is, and has always been, and should always be physical. Steering, braking, using muscle memory to move your hand to controls automatically – a good interface between a human and car means the car becomes almost a prosthetic. You don’t need that extra whole layer of cognition to put your desired actions into words at all.

Rivian Conversation
Image source: Rivian

Bensaid doesn’t seem to get this concept at all, and I think makes my argument for me when he describes a voice-controlled trunk-opening process:

The foundational models are providing us this wonderful opportunity to truly have a conversational experience where drivers can interact with the car in human language. I don’t need to tell the car, “Open the frunk.” I can say, “Open the front trunk.” Actually, I can say, “I have a bag in front of the car,” and it will actually open the frunk. I think that completely changes the way you interact with the car.

I agree, it does completely change the way you interact with the car. It makes it worse.

Just think about this for a second. Why would you want a “conversational experience” when it comes to getting your stuff out of the trunk, front or rear? Just think about how you normally get your bag out of a trunk now, in your average modern-ish car. You park, you get out of the car, you walk to the trunk at whatever end of the car your bag is in, and you open the trunk. That’s it. You don’t have to tell the car shit.

The car detects your key in your pocket, you push a little button or latch to open the lid, and you’re done. Telling the car “I have a bag in the front of the car” is just adding a useless step. Will the bag levitate out on its own? No. I mean, for most of us lacking telekinesis skills, no. So you still have to go and physically touch the trunk. What the hell is the point of telling the car you have a bag in the trunk? How much extra computing hardware is needed to process and execute that command? For what? Letting the car know you have a bag? So the AI can send that information to advertisers and you’ll see AI-enhanced duffel bag ads for the next three days? Fuck that.

Has Bensaid never been in a car with a friend, in mid-conversation, continuing as you leave the car and get your shit out of the trunk? Of course he has. We all have. Have you ever wanted to pause mid-conversation and tell your car where your bags are? No. Fuck no.

Part of what seems to be going on here is the mistaken notion that somehow your car needs to be doing the same things you already have a phone for. Listen to this bullshit from Bensaid:

“On top of that, we now have the opportunity with all the agentic framework to truly give people their time back in the car. I hope you tried our Google Calendar agentic integration. You can imagine how the experience will be in the future where you’re driving and can perform operations on your calendar. You should be able to perform operations on your email. In the future with the agent-to-agent integration, you can actually interact with many more apps from your own digital ecosystem.”

Calendar integration? “Perform operations on your email?” Why the fuck would you want your car to be part of that? That’s already what your damn phone is for? And these “agent-to-agent” integrations, that just means that some AI bullshit built into your car is talking to the AI bullshit built into your phone so in the end, what is the AI agent in your car doing other than passing along messages to the phone that’s right fucking there with you and if they just let you have the damn Android Auto or CarPlay you could talk right to it? Or just talk to it as it sits on the seat next to you? What’s the point of all this?

You car doesn’t need to uselessly duplicate all the features of your phone. It’s the wrong tool for that job. Your phone is a good personal assistant tool because it’s the size and shape of a well-worn bar of soap and you can slide it in your pocket, not a 4,000 pound hunk of metal and plastic with wheels. Nobody wants their phone to sprout spindly wheels to you can drive it to work, just as we don’t need to use our cars to answer fucking emails.

Here he is again talking about the car replicating phone jobs:

“You can imagine that in the future, instead of having that mono access to every single app on your car — or honestly, even on your smartphone — you can start aggregating and connecting many of those apps through the agentic framework and have them present a unified user experience.”

Yeah, you can imagine that in the future, Wassym, leave me out of it. Who decided we needed a “unified user experience” via phone and car? Let phone do the phone shit, and let your car do the car shit. Phone mirroring is great: all the phone things: reminders, music playlists, calendar stuff, navigation, whatever are available through your car, but using the same interface you’ve been using all day, all the data and settings and preferences still there like you like them, just accessible on your dashboard. It’s fine. Let the phone have that. The car doesn’t need it.

Bensaid describes another situation that he thinks reinforces Rivian’s decision to duplicate the jobs of your phone, but really does the opposite:

“This is how we’re able to connect the navigation to Google Calendar, for example. I can go to the assistant now and say, “I want to plan a trip from San Francisco to San Diego, and I want to have two charging stops. I want them to be close to an Italian restaurant. I love Italian food.” The assistant would go and play that, and then I’ll say, “Okay, print the summary, add it to my calendar, and then send it as a text to my wife.”

Again, why is the car’s AI doing this? If this was all just handled on your phone, it could be done before you’re even in the car. The car doesn’t need to be in this loop at all.

This, I think, is the root of the problem. Car software people want the data and eyeball-access that phones have, and unless you clumsily try to force it to happen with this redundant and inane car-AI-as-middleman approach, it won’t happen. And that’s fine. Really, all of the AI in the car – if there must be any – should be behind the scenes. Like, why would you want a command to change drive modes? The car can sense your inputs, and if you’re stomping the throttle and brake hard, switch to a sportier mode. If you’re being gentle, go to eco. Just adapt based on the driver’s inputs, seamlessly. That level of machine learning seems fine.

But who the fuck wants an LLM to talk to when you’re driving? I don’t need some untrustworthy AI making decisions for me about what music I want to listen to or opening the damn trunk or adjusting the HVAC. No one wants this, no one needs this. Just stop.

Honestly, based on the rate of change of technology compared to the lifespan of cars, why would you want to be locked into some complex car UX or LLM, anyway? Sure, you can update software, but the hardware isn’t going to get better over time. The average age of a car in America is over 12 years old. Who is using a 12-year old smartphone? All this crap should be modular and easily swappable.

Bensaid noted that for a lot of these interactions, the computing hardware will be local to the car, in addition to using cloud-based resources. Honestly, either way has drawbacks: local hardware will eventually be unable to run more modern software, and cloud-based solutions are dependent on connectivity and the health/desires of the company. They could shut features down at will, or discontinue them, or make them into subscription services. Why are we okay with any of that?

I guess I should note that there seem to be plenty of people in China that like talking to their cars and AI in general. I guess this is just one of those cases where 500 million plus people are wrong and I’m right. It happens, it’s okay.

We’re going down a bad path. I’m sure Mr.Bensaid is a wonderful man, a smart man and probably a very tender, generous lover, but I think he is woefully misguided when it comes to how people – real, actual people, not AI-deluded dillholes – want to actually interact with their cars.

I’m going to go out on a limb here, but I still think that people want to drive their cars, not have tedious conversations with them. That’s what friends are for, after all.

 

(top images: YouTube/The Verge, Rivian)

The post Rivian’s Head Of Software Thinks CarPlay And Android Auto Will Be Replaced With AI Agents You Talk To And I Think That’s Stupid appeared first on The Autopian.

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80s Kids Loved These Low-Speed, High-Torque 4X4s That Made Slow Cool

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You’re sitting in front of the 15-inch Trinitron on a Saturday morning in 1980, chowing down on a bowl of Count Chocula to top off the sugar intake you had the night before at the monster truck rally you went to with your friend Jimmy. This was a near-religious experience for you, almost on par with seeing The Empire Strikes Back a few weeks earlier.

Your ears are still ringing from the awesome assault on your senses by the real Bigfoot when a commercial interrupts Thundarr the Barbarian. You gasp at what rolls across the screen: tiny battery-powered trucks with working headlights that appear to be able to climb over everything in sight. Dear God, were all four wheels spinning? Did those exhaust fumes at the MegaDome mess with your head? No, Stomper 4X4s were the real deal, and we’re gonna revisit them now. Everybody take it to the top, we’re gonna Stomp!

Sunday! Sunday! Sunday!

Bigfoot
source: Thomas Hundal

It was impossible to ignore the popularity of lifted off-road vehicles and monster trucks at the dawn of the 1980s. Bigfoot was built in 1975, but fully captured the kid-culture zeitgeist when it crushed cars for the first time in 1981. On television that same year, Colt Seavers regularly took flight in his lifted GMC K-2500 Sierra Grande as the titular fall guy in The Fall Guy. And on streets all over America, lifted pickups were a common sight.

Toy designer Eddy Goldfarb recognized the big-truck trend as a golden opportunity for a new kind of action toy. Goldfarb was already a seasoned toy designer with a few hits under his belt, including well-known gems like KerPlunk, Battling Tops, Yakity-Yak Talking Teeth, and Brunswick Air Hockey. Goldfarb clearly had a knack for clever toy ideas, and toymaker Schaper (best known at the time for games such as Ants In The Pants, Cootie, and Don’t Break The Ice, as well as the Super Jock line – which were toy athletes, not the other thing) bought Goldfarb’s toy 4X4 concept.

Stomper 3 5 12
source: Collector Archive

Stompers initial offerings included a Chevy K-10 Scottsdale, K5 Blazer, Bronco, Dodge Warlock, and David’s favorite Jeep, the SJ Honcho. Wow, with that lineup, you could recreate the scene in No Country For Old Men where the drug deal went bad.

Stomper’s plastic bodies were each unique and faithful in detail if not proportions to their full-size counterparts, but they all snapped over the same Stomper chassis. It was sized just large enough to house a single AA battery, and a center-mounted motor hidden beneath a cover powered all four wheels. Big warnings of DO NOT REMOVE on motor cover did little to discourage curious young Autopians from exploring the mechanical magic within.

Stomper Chassis 5 20
source: ebay

As shown below, the motor’s output shaft extended from both ends of the motor to hold a pair of pinion gears that interfaced with worm gears to drive the front and rear axles simultaneously, giving the toys full-time four-wheel drive.

Stomper Chassis 2 5 20
source: ebay

A later innovation was the “Stomper II,” which featured two forward speeds and a “freewheeling” mode for unpowered play when the battery ran out. The switch beneath the chassis moved the motor laterally to contact one of the two worm drives, or you could leave it in the middle position to disengage the drivetrain.

Stomper Bottom 3 5 20
source: ebay

Stompers were geared for torque, not speed, and challenging the trucks’ ability to power over or through obstacles was the source of their immense play value. With their gear-shaped tires, the little trucks could climb any grade as long as it wasn’t so steep that the truck flipped over backward. The icing on the cake was a tiny light bulb (with a filament and all, not an LED) mounted to the front of the chassis, shining through “headlights” – translucent windows in the grille.

Headlight Stomper 5 20
source: ebay

As was seemingly the case with so many toys Gen-Xers remember, Stompers could impart some real pain if their power was not respected. Playfully using your napping sister as Stomper terrain seemed like it would be both fun and hilarious, right up until her hair wrapped around the axles and your Stomper climbed onto her scalp to the tune of a parent-alerting scream.

Schaper Stomper 4x4 Wild Canyon Set 1
source: The Toys Time Forgot

Configurations of couch cushions, books, and blankets (among other household items) were excellent fodder for Stompers, not to mention whatever challenges the outdoor world offered. Still, Schaper also offered play sets with simulated off-road situations. These were essentially just a bunch of injection-molded plastic terrain bits, but they fit into a large box that looked imposing when wrapped and under the tree in December 1981.

Schaper Stomper 4x4 Wild Canyon Set 2
source: The Toys Time Forgot

Stompers initially offered both foam tires and rubber tires to optimize indoor or outdoor use. These rubber tires, by the way, were very similar in size and shape to the ones that came with Lego, which meant that if you left them sitting out, they often got tossed into the box with all the bricks and took forever for you to find again. Why, Mom?

Stomper Tires 5 20
source: ebay, ebay

Hey, look, it’s been forty years, so we’ve forgiven Mom. Maybe. Let’s talk about the actual car bodies you could put on these capable little chassis.

No, The A-Team Van Was A Rough Riders Ripoff, Not A Stomper

Later, the Stompers line expanded into other vehicle bodies, including some really fun ones like a fifties Chevy Nomad.

It got even better. How about a Subaru BRAT?

Brat Stomper 5 21
source: Worthpoint

Or maybe a Subaru (Leone) Hatchback with 4WD?

Stomper Subaru 5 20
source: ebay

Small Japanese pickup favorites were also represented, like the Lil Hustler:

Lil Hustler 5 20
source: etsy

A personal favorite? An AMC Eagle SX4 coupe: the Dollar General Quattro!

Eagle Stomper 5 20
source: Mercari

A young Torch could go for a Baja bug, especially with the available “stunt wheel.”

Schaper Stomper 4x4 Wild Canyon Set 12
source: Toys That Time Forgot

The instructions show you could place the stunt wheel on the bottom of your Stomper to do wheelies and other tricks with just two of the driven wheels.

Stomper Inst 5 20
source: Toys That Time Forgot

Things eventually went kind of nuts with Stompers becoming almost any kind of vehicle, including ten-wheel-drive tractor-trailer trucks.

Tractor pull fan? Well, it was 1981, so I can see that, and here you go. Note the front counterweight.

Truck Pull 5 22
source: Schaper Toys

Larger Stompers saw the light of day, as well as even amphibious ones, and a short-lived series based on those three-wheeled ATVs that subtracted ten years from your lifespan if you rode them slowly, and if you cornered on them too quickly, subtracted your lifespan from your lifespan.

Stomper 3 Wheelr 5 20
source: Mercari

Honestly, there were so many Stompers spin-offs that it takes a full fifteen-minute video to explain them all. Nerd out, why don’t you?

As with all fads, there were numerous knock-offs (particularly Rough Riders that some would argue were better) until the entire genre slowly diminished as kids got older and younger children simply became interested in other toys; a familiar story.

Stomped Out

Eventually, the inevitable happened. Independent toy firms like Schaper were swallowed up by mega corporations; in Schaper’s case, it was by Tyco in late 1986. Stompers only lasted two more years until 1988, then reappeared under the Dreamworks brand and again from 1997 to 1999 as a Peachtree Playthings product. Tinco Toys was the last to offer Stompers, from 2001 to 2002.

I was rather astonished by some of the prices on eBay for some decent-condition Stomper toys. Non-functional parts or display examples can be had for cheap, but even a reasonably decent running Stomper can command anywhere from $80 to $100. Mint and in-box examples might fetch $400 or more; even $1000 in rare cases. There’s a price to be paid for nostalgia, and it can be a steep one.

Still, why not find a Stomper for yourself? They’re fun, well-crafted toys from a different time when we were awed by much simpler things. Even at those inflated prices, a Jeep Honcho Stomper would be a lot easier to keep around than a real one, and unlike David Tracy’s, there’s no chance of a tree falling on it.

Top graphic images: Etsy; Schaper Toys

 

 

 

 

 

 

The post 80s Kids Loved These Low-Speed, High-Torque 4X4s That Made Slow Cool appeared first on The Autopian.

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Why Is Cancer Drug Revlimid So Expensive? — ProPublica

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The pain jolted me awake. It was barely dawn, a misty February morning in 2023. My side felt as if I’d been stabbed.

I had been dealing with pain for weeks — a bothersome ache that felt like a bad runner’s cramp. But now it was so intense I had to brace myself against the wall to stand up.

A few hours after arriving at the emergency room, I heard my name. A doctor asked me to follow him to a private area, where he told me a scan had uncovered something “concerning.”

There were lesions, areas of bone destruction, on top of both of my hip bones and on my sternum. These were hallmarks of multiple myeloma. “Cancer,” he said.

Multiple myeloma is a blood cancer that ravages bone, leaving distinctive holes in its wake. Subsequent scans showed “innumerable lesions” from my neck to my feet as well as two broken ribs and a compression fracture in my spine. There is no cure.

I walked out of the ER in search of fresh air. I sat on a metal bench and did what many patients do. I turned to Google. The first link was a medical review stating that the average lifespan of a newly diagnosed patient was three to five years. My stomach churned.

I soon learned that information was outdated. Most patients today live much longer, in large part due to a drug with a horrific past. It was a doctor at the hospital who first told me I would likely take a thalidomide drug as part of my treatment.

That couldn’t be possible, I told him.

I knew the story of thalidomide, or at least I thought I did. It represented one of the darkest chapters in the history of modern medicine, having caused thousands of severe birth defects after it was given to pregnant women in the 1950s and 1960s. The drug was banned in most of the world, and the scandal gave rise to the modern-day U.S. Food and Drug Administration.

It turns out the drug once relegated to a pharmaceutical graveyard had new life as a cancer fighter.

That drug I take is called Revlimid. It is a derivative of thalidomide, a slightly tweaked version of the parent compound.

Revlimid is now one of the bestselling pharmaceutical products of all time, with total sales of more than $100 billion. It has extended tens of thousands of lives — including my own.

But Revlimid is also, I soon learned, extraordinarily expensive, costing nearly $1,000 for each daily pill. (Although, I later discovered, a capsule costs just 25 cents to make.)

That steep tab has put the drug’s lifesaving potential out of reach for some cancer patients, who have been forced into debt or simply stopped taking the drug. The price also helps fuel our ballooning insurance premiums.

For decades, I’ve reported on outrageous health care costs in the U.S. and the burden they place on patients. I’ve revealed the tactics used by drug companies to drive sales and keep the price of their products high.

Even with my experience, the cost of Revlimid stood out. When I started taking the drug, I’d look at the smooth, cylindrical capsule in my hand and consider the fact I was about to swallow something that costs about the same as a new iPhone. A month’s supply, which arrives in an ordinary, orange-tinged plastic bottle, is the same price as a new Nissan Versa.

I wanted to know how this drug came to cost so much — and why the price keeps going up. The price of Revlimid has been hiked 26 times since it launched. Some of what happened was reported at the time. But no one has pieced together the full account of what the drugmaker Celgene did, how federal regulators failed to rein it in and what the story reveals about unrestrained drug pricing in America.

What I discovered astonished even me.

My journey started with an indefatigable New York City lawyer on a quest to give her dying husband a chance.

Beth Wolmer’s story begins on a moon-splashed beach in the Cayman Islands in the winter of 1995. She and her husband, Ira, were holding hands as they walked in the sand, enjoying a rare break from a hectic life as parents to a 1-year-old daughter and demanding jobs as 30-something professionals in New York City.

They had met through friends and clicked from the start. On Sunday mornings, they sat together for hours, sharing sections of the newspaper and eating bagels. They planned trips to Europe and outings to the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Ira was an interventional cardiologist who followed his father into medicine. Beth was a lawyer at the high-powered firm Skadden Arps.

“We had a great life,” Beth told me. “I specifically remember coming home on the bus and thinking: ‘My life is just perfect, perfect. I’m not going to change a thing.’”

As they walked that night in the Caribbean, Ira felt a sharp pain in his cheekbone. The pain flared several more times during the trip, becoming so intense that it brought tears to his eyes.

When he got home, Ira made an appointment to figure out what was wrong. Imaging tests revealed multiple myeloma. The prognosis was grim. The couple was told Ira had two years to live.

Specialists recommended treatments that would only provide a brief reprieve. The couple searched for someone who could offer something more. That’s when they found Dr. Bart Barlogie in Little Rock, Arkansas.

I’ve never been more scared of a spouse of a patient than I was of her.

Dr. David Siegel, who treated Ira Wolmer

Barlogie had been recruited to the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences from the more prestigious MD Anderson Cancer Center in Houston. In Texas, Barlogie had been frustrated by a medical culture that he viewed as too timid in its approach to multiple myeloma.

He remembers working on a Sunday when a newly diagnosed patient was admitted to the hospital. With few options, Barlogie decided to put the patient on a taxing, four-drug chemotherapy cocktail used for lymphoma patients. It didn’t work. The patient died from a sepsis infection, a known complication of the treatment.

The attending physician later admonished him, Barlogie said, saying, “Bart, we have to learn to treat myeloma gently.” Barlogie said he thought to himself, “Fuck you.”

In Arkansas, Barlogie was in charge. He quickly developed a reputation as a practitioner willing to try anything to fight the fatal disease. Patients from around the world — including the actor Roy Scheider from the movie “Jaws” — flocked to his clinic.

Beth and Ira heard Barlogie before they saw him. The cowboy boots he’d taken to donning since his time in Houston clacked down the linoleum hallway floors. A short, slight man, Barlogie had a booming voice with a German accent. He wore leather jackets and round, red-framed glasses on his bald head.

When he strode into the exam room, he hugged Beth and Ira and told them they had come to the right place.

Now retired, Barlogie recalls being struck by Beth’s intensity. He said she told him “you must do something” to help Ira.

I met Barlogie at his home in Little Rock. We sat in his office, which is filled with photos of the red Ducati motorcycle he used to ride to work. An old license plate with the letters “MMCURED” sat on a shelf, reflecting his goal to find a cure for multiple myeloma.

When Beth and Ira found him, Barlogie told me, he had been having some success with a novel approach that put patients through two stem cell transplants a few months apart, which he called a tandem stem cell transplant. With a transplant, a patient is bombarded with high-dose chemotherapy to kill the cancerous plasma cells. The patient is then infused with healthy stem cells that travel to the bone marrow.

The intense chemotherapy can be grueling and poses a small risk of death.

Ira underwent three transplants. Each time, he relapsed. By the fall of 1997, after two years of treatment, Ira’s thick black hair was gone. He was losing weight. Then he had a stroke. His kidneys failed and required dialysis. He developed pneumonia and had to be intubated.

Beth was determined to keep him alive long enough for their toddler daughter to remember him. With a photograph of Ira smiling with their baby as motivation, she applied her lawyer’s tenacity to the case. She pored over medical journals and peppered oncologists with questions about why what they were trying wasn’t working or quizzing them about a promising study. When doctors told her there was nothing more they could do for her husband, she refused to accept it.

“She is a tiny person, but she is terrifying,” said Dr. David Siegel, part of the team that treated Ira in Arkansas. “I’ve never been more scared of a spouse of a patient than I was of her.” He meant it as a compliment.

By late fall in 1997, Ira was dying and Beth was desperate.

A researcher told her about the work of Dr. Judah Folkman, a surgeon and researcher at Boston Children’s Hospital. Folkman believed the growth of cancerous tumors could be stunted by starving them of a supply of new blood vessels.

Folkman was a workaholic who, when he wasn’t in the operating room or the research lab, was traveling across the world to promote his novel theory of how to attack cancer. Peers had ridiculed his idea since he first proposed it in the 1970s. The prevailing belief at the time was that tumors didn’t need a new blood supply to grow.

A young researcher in his lab, an ophthalmologist named Robert D’Amato, was at work on the top question Folkman had posed. Could they come up with a drug, in pill form, that blocks the growth of new blood vessels?

Folkman has since died, but it wasn’t difficult for me to track down D’Amato. He still works at Boston Children’s Hospital, where he has his own lab and holds the Judah Folkman Chair in Surgery. Now in his early 60s, D’Amato has a youthful energy and speaks in a rapid, matter-of-fact clip.

D’Amato told me that he had set out to find existing drugs that block blood vessel growth. He started by thinking of his own body and side effects caused by certain drugs. A drug that causes hair loss might be the result of the blood supply to hair follicles being shut off, for example. But this exercise wasn’t producing any viable candidates.

After giving it some thought, D’Amato realized he had myopically narrowed his search. What about a woman’s body? There were drugs that stopped menstrual cycles. Then there were drugs that caused birth defects in pregnant women. In both of those cases, it was possible the drug was inhibiting blood vessel growth. He came up with a list of 10 drugs. At the top of the list was one with a devastating history: thalidomide.

Beginning in the 1950s, pregnant women in Europe, Australia and other countries were frequently prescribed thalidomide as a treatment for morning sickness and to help them sleep. The drug was thought to be harmless and in Germany was sold over the counter. An advertisement for thalidomide in the United Kingdom claimed it could “be given with complete safety to pregnant women and nursing mothers without adverse effect on mother or child.”

They were wrong.

The drug was eventually linked to birth defects in more than 10,000 babies. Those babies were born without limbs or with shortened limbs, malformed hands, disfigured faces and damage to internal organs. Nearly half died within months of being born.

By the early 1960s, the drug was widely banned, considered a shameful chapter in the history of pharmaceuticals. It was never sold in the U.S. thanks to the unwavering objections of a resolute reviewer at the FDA named Frances Oldham Kelsey. The close call, however, prompted Congress to require more rigorous safety and efficacy data from drug manufacturers and empower the FDA to monitor the industry more closely.

D’Amato theorized that the thalidomide birth defects were the result of the drug stopping the growth of new blood vessels that the fetus needs to develop. He walked me through his experiments: He cracked a fertilized chicken egg on a glass petri dish and placed thalidomide on the surface. After two days, if no blood vessels grow on the embryo, a halo should appear around the thalidomide sample, showing the drug worked. It didn’t.

Folkman told D’Amato to move on. But D’Amato couldn’t shake the disappointing results. He did more research and realized thalidomide needs to first be broken down in the body to have an effect on humans. He purchased metabolites of thalidomide, repeated the test and this time found a halo around the sample.

He kept experimenting and in 1994 published a paper finding that thalidomide had “clear implications” for treating tumors.

So when Beth called three years later, Folkman told her they should try it.

Barlogie told me he didn’t think it would work. Beth said she had to convince him to try it.

Barlogie agreed to test it on Ira and two other patients who were out of treatment options in early December.

I wanted him alive forever.

Beth Wolmer

The drug did not work for Ira. Beth said just before he died, Ira sat up in bed, kissed her and smiled. It was March 10, 1998. He was 38.

After years of frantically searching for anything that would help, the finality of his death was difficult to accept, she said. “I wanted him alive forever.”

It is unclear what happened with the second patient. The third patient, however, started to get better.

His name was Jimmy. Little more is known about him except that he was a patient of another oncologist at the hospital, Dr. Seema Singhal, and near death before he started the drug. “I told him it might work, but at the very least it would help him sleep,” Singhal said. Shortly after Jimmy took his first dose of thalidomide, Singhal left for a vacation.

Dr. Bart Barlogie and Dr. Seema Singhal Painting by James Lee Chiahan for ProPublica

When she returned two weeks later, her mailbox was full of lab results for Jimmy. He was still alive. She sat down to double-check the results, which showed declining amounts of a cancer marker. “For 30 minutes, I was the only person in the world who knew this worked,” she said.

Singhal walked down to Barlogie’s office to give him the news. “He took me by the hand, opened a window and shouted, ‘Thank you, God,’” she said.

Word of Jimmy’s stunning recovery in Arkansas quickly made its way to the offices of Celgene Corp., located in a small corporate park in a rural patch of northern New Jersey.

The company had just wrapped up a brutal year-end accounting, which showed losses of $27 million on revenue of just $1.1 million. Money was so tight that executives engaged in what one of them called “violent arguments” over whether to charge employees for coffee.

Celgene had acquired the rights to thalidomide patents held by researchers at Rockefeller University in 1992. The company, which was new to pharmaceuticals, planned to use the experience of obtaining FDA approval for thalidomide to develop other drugs.

“It wasn’t meant to be a blockbuster,” said Sol Barer, who started at the company in 1987 and later became CEO.

When Celgene announced plans to develop the disgraced drug for new uses, the only analyst following the company on Wall Street dropped coverage and told Celgene officials they didn’t know what they were doing.

The company thought the largest market would be as a treatment for AIDS patients experiencing dangerous weight loss. To win approval of the drug, however, Celgene selected a use that was already in practice in parts of the world for a small group of patients.

In July 1998, the FDA approved thalidomide for the treatment of a painful complication of leprosy. It was a momentous decision, coming just a few decades after the drug caused so much harm.

The market for leprosy was tiny, but what happened with Jimmy in Arkansas changed everything for the company.

The Arkansas doctors had been busy since first testing thalidomide on Ira Wolmer, Jimmy and the other patient. They quickly got approval to conduct a larger experiment funded by a grant from the U.S. National Institutes of Health. Now, in December 1998, they were ready to share their initial findings at the annual meeting of the American Society of Hematology.

It had been three decades since a new therapy for multiple myeloma had been approved, and there was a buzz among the oncologists gathered in Miami Beach for the conference. So many doctors crowded into the room for the presentation that the fire marshal had to intervene several times to clear exit ways. Word had already spread among multiple myeloma specialists about Jimmy. Now, the assembled doctors wanted to know whether it had been a fluke or a discovery that would fundamentally change how they practiced.

Singhal was tasked with presenting the data. It was a big stage for the 32-year-old doctor, who had only been practicing in the U.S. for two years.

It completely changed the treatment landscape.

Dr. Seema Singhal

The 89 patients in the study were high-risk cases who had undergone prior treatment. They were patients who, like Ira, had run out of options. Now, after thalidomide treatment, one-third had declines in myeloma activity.

Those were stunning numbers, unlike anything seen before in the treatment of multiple myeloma. When Singhal finished, the room erupted in applause.

“It completely changed the treatment landscape,” she said.

I wasn’t able to track down Jimmy, but I have a sense of how he might have felt when he realized the treatment was working.

After my initial emergency room visit, it took time to confirm my diagnosis and do some additional testing. While I waited, the pain worsened. Painkillers barely made a dent. All I could picture was this cancer eating away at my bones, doing more damage every day.

David Armstrong Painting by James Lee Chiahan for ProPublica

Some patients wait months for care. I was lucky enough to meet my oncologist within weeks. He had a script for Revlimid ready to go, part of a regimen of four drugs I would take as standard induction therapy, and I was able to start it within days.

The initial dose of Revlimid cost $18,255 for a month’s supply, and my insurance covered the cost.

Within a month, my blood tests showed a massive drop in a key cancer indicator.

My pain gradually subsided too. By the end of April, I wrote in my journal that the pain was a 3 or 4 instead of the usual 9 or 10. “It doesn’t hurt to get out of bed anymore,” I wrote.

The discovery in Arkansas made thalidomide, which Celgene sold as Thalomid, an instant hit.

As a result, Celgene’s revenue increased nearly sevenfold to $26.2 million in the year after the Miami presentation. It sold its thalidomide pills for $7.50 each.

From those modest beginnings, Celgene took a slightly altered version of that pill and turned it into one of the bestselling and most expensive prescription drugs in history. Celgene’s success with Thalomid was the result of remarkable good fortune, a case where the heavy lifting of discovery and initial testing had already been done, by Beth Wolmer, D’Amato, Barlogie, Singhal and others.

The development of the drug that would become Revlimid took me deep into the confounding, sharp-elbowed world of drug patents, which ostensibly protect drugmakers, allowing them to recoup the massive investments they made in developing a new product. Celgene drew on patent law, a drug safety system and even patient assistance programs to guard the exclusivity of its prized drug and the massive revenue it generated.

Those tactics, detailed in reams of court filings, allowed Celgene to treat Revlimid like a piggy bank, tapping it whenever it wanted.

There was a common internal theme at Celgene that cancer patients were willing to pay almost any amount Celgene charged.

David Schmidt, a former Celgene executive

Amid the early success of Thalomid, Celgene identified two potential threats: One was obvious. Thalidomide caused birth defects, a looming risk that could result in it being pulled from the market.

The other was that Celgene held limited patents on the drug. Patents are exclusive legal rights to inventions, and researchers file them on nearly every aspect of drug development as soon as they can, locking up everything from specific sets of ingredients to the way the drug is used and administered. The more robust patents a company has, the longer it can potentially ward off competitors.

Thalidomide was an old drug and Celgene’s patents did not cover the active ingredient, leaving it open to competition. The patents it did have, covering items such as the optimal dosages and its use in treating particular diseases, were considered weaker and open to a court challenge. If Celgene could create a new version of thalidomide — ideally one that didn’t cause birth defects — the company could seek more and stronger patents that would extend beyond those of the original drug.

So researchers at Celgene tested analogs of thalidomide, which are drugs that have a similar effect but are different from the parent compound in minor ways, such as having one less oxygen atom. The analogs are also more potent than the original, meaning they can achieve a similar effect at lower doses.

Celgene was not alone in its efforts. D’Amato was also studying thalidomide analogs and filing patents on their use, which he and Boston Children’s Hospital licensed to a Celgene competitor, EntreMed Inc.

With dueling patents, the companies sued each other in 2002.

Celgene was newly flush with cash from rising sales of thalidomide. EntreMed, on the other hand, was burning through money as it focused most of its resources on developing other drugs discovered in Folkman’s lab.

In December of 2002, the companies settled.

Celgene agreed to pay Boston Children’s Hospital royalties from future sales of Revlimid. In exchange, the hospital and D’Amato licensed their patents of thalidomide analogs to Celgene. Celgene also agreed to pay EntreMed $27 million.

For Celgene, the fight with EntreMed was a valuable experience. It learned that competition can be neutralized.

Celgene had kept the price of Thalomid low when it was initially intended for AIDS patients, CEO John Jackson told investors in 2004, as the company “didn’t want huge numbers of people demonstrating in front” of its office.

That wasn’t a problem with cancer patients. There was “plenty of room for very substantial increases” in the price of the drug now, Jackson told investors.

It is time for us to take Jimbo to the wood shed.

A senior Celgene official discussing a doctor critical of Revlimid

Just two days earlier, Celgene had hiked the price of Thalomid to $47 a pill.

“There was a common internal theme at Celgene that cancer patients were willing to pay almost any amount Celgene charged,” wrote David Schmidt, a former national account manager at the company, in a whistleblower lawsuit he filed after his employment was terminated in 2008. The lawsuit was voluntarily dismissed by Schmidt. (Jackson didn’t respond to requests for comment; Schmidt declined to talk to me.)

When Celgene launched Revlimid in December of 2005, it set the initial price at $55,000 a year, or $218 a pill, which was about double what analysts expected.

Seven months later, when the FDA approved the drug for multiple myeloma, the price jumped to $70,560 a year, or $280 a pill.

Each dot indicates a new manufacturer list price per pill.

Source: AnalySource

The cost to manufacture each Revlimid pill, meanwhile, was 25 cents. I found a deposition marked “highly confidential” in which a top Celgene executive testified that the cost started at a quarter and never changed.

Even on Wall Street, which cheered higher pricing, the initial cost of Revlimid prompted concern among analysts who tracked the company that such aggressive maneuvering would cause insurers to push back. In the U.S., that is one of the only real checks on the price of prescription drugs.

That fear turned out to be unfounded, and Celgene would repeatedly test the bounds of how high it could go.

At the same time, Celgene worked to mute any criticism of Revlimid.

In 2005, Celgene received reports that Los Angeles oncologist Dr. James Berenson was “bashing” Revlimid in presentations sponsored by patient groups.

In one email, a senior company official said, “it is time for us to take Jimbo to the wood shed.” The company discussed a range of options for dealing with the doctor, from taking legal action to arranging a sit-down with Celgene’s chief executive.

Ultimately, the company appears to have decided on a friendlier course of action. Berenson became a frequent paid speaker and consultant for the company, with payments totaling at least $333,000, according to Celgene disclosures. Berenson declined to comment.

He wasn’t the only doctor the company befriended. Payment records show that between 2013 and 2018, Celgene paid doctors $11 million for speaking engagements and consulting work related to Revlimid. At one point, Celgene rented a suite at the Houston Astros baseball stadium to throw a party for the entire multiple myeloma department at the MD Anderson Cancer Center, according to court testimony. The center said it was unable to verify any of those details.

They remind me of an octopus with many, many tentacles, and at the end of each tentacle is a wad of cash.

David Mitchell, president of Patients For Affordable Drugs

Celgene went on to spread its largesse across the multiple myeloma world. It funded patient groups, sponsored medical meetings and contracted with prestigious academic medical centers.

“They remind me of an octopus with many, many tentacles, and at the end of each tentacle is a wad of cash,” said David Mitchell, a former Washington, D.C., communications executive who launched a nonprofit organization to fight for lower prices after he was diagnosed with multiple myeloma. “Everybody relies on the money.” Mitchell said his group, Patients For Affordable Drugs, does not accept donations from any entity that profits from the development or distribution of pharmaceuticals.

At the same time it showered doctors and patient groups with money, Celgene was shutting Beth Wolmer out. She told me that John Jackson, the CEO at the time, had promised her a paid board seat at the company as a way of compensating her for her role in the discovery before the company cut off communication.

Wolmer sued Celgene in federal court in 2009, seeking $300 million or more for alleged misappropriation of her idea and what she termed the “unjust enrichment” of Celgene.

Celgene said it never promised to compensate Wolmer. The company also suggested she greatly inflated her role in the discovery and, in any event, waited too long to take legal action.

In 2010, a judge granted Celgene’s motion for summary judgment in the case, agreeing that the statute of limitations had expired while at the same time expressing “admiration” for Wolmer’s “contribution to the struggle against this terrible disease.”

Ira and Beth Wolmer in the Cayman Islands Painting by James Lee Chiahan for ProPublica

Wolmer has remarried and changed her name to Jacobson. She remains disappointed about the way she was treated by Celgene. “There was no ambiguity about who found the purpose of this drug, and I’m thrilled that it’s helping so many people,” she said. “Why they treated me that way? I don’t know.”

After the FDA approved Revlimid in late 2005, it also granted Celgene something else: seven years of market exclusivity because the drug treats a rare disease. In those seven years, Celgene raised the price of the drug nine times, increasing the price per pill by 82% to $397 in 2012.

The company also fended off challengers by claiming its patents protected the drug from competition until 2027.

But by 2010 generic makers were already working on copies of the drug, preparing to challenge those patents and enter the market earlier. A government analysis has found that generics generally lower the price of brand name drugs by an average of 85% after just one year.

Celgene was well aware of the danger generics posed and warned in a 2012 financial filing that their entry into the market could have a “material adverse effect” on its finances. At that point, Revlimid sales made up 70% of the company’s revenue.

Celgene needed another move.

The drug still posed a risk of birth defects like the parent compound. In approving the drug, the FDA had mandated a strict safety program to control its prescription and distribution.

Celgene realized early on that this could also be a tool to thwart competition. An internal company presentation at the time noted that the safety program could make it “more difficult for generic companies to access” thalidomide for testing.

Generic drug makers are required by the FDA to test their version against the brand name drug, so they need to buy small amounts of Revlimid from the company.

By 2012, at least six generic makers had requested to purchase Revlimid for testing. In every case, Celgene refused.

Federal regulators took notice. The FDA had warned Celgene that it could not use the safety program “to block or delay approval” of generic competitors. Now, it appeared to be doing just that.

The Federal Trade Commission, which enforces antitrust laws, had been investigating Celgene for years and in June of 2012 notified the company it was poised to take action.

In a previously unreported letter, the FTC said that its staff had recommended filing a legal complaint against the company for refusing to sell to competitors, thereby keeping them out of the marketplace.

The commission’s patience is wearing thin.

FTC official Richard Feinstein to a Celgene attorney

In its letter, the FTC noted that while Celgene refused to sell its drugs to potential competitors, it routinely provided Revlimid to other third parties around the world, including researchers and universities studying the drug.

Then, in August of 2012, the FDA directed Celgene to sell a small amount of Revlimid to a generic competitor.

With both federal agencies bearing down on Celgene, a closed-door meeting was held at FDA headquarters at the end of August. The FTC sent five lawyers, and 11 FDA staffers attended. Celgene showed up with a large contingent that included in-house lawyers and outside counsel.

Celgene started by denying it was using the safety program to block generics, according to minutes of the meeting. (The minutes were filed in a court case against Celgene, and it is unclear if they were prepared by the agencies or the company.) Citing the threat of birth defects, the company said that it had legitimate safety concerns about selling Revlimid to generic companies and that it needed to protect its investment in the drug.

Jane Axelrad, an associate director for the FDA, told Celgene that it was raising safety concerns because “the company does not want generics on the market,” according to the minutes. She declined to comment.

The meeting ended without a resolution. The FDA had no way of enforcing its directive to Celgene. The FTC staff, however, was still determined to act. The agency had spent more than two years investigating Celgene. It hired experts, deposed Celgene officials and obtained internal company documents.

The staff drafted a complaint alleging the company engaged in unfair actions to maintain a monopoly, hoping either that it would push the company to agree to sell to competitors to avoid legal action or that Celgene would be forced to do so by the courts, according to a person familiar with the agency’s stance.

“The commission’s patience is wearing thin,” FTC official Richard Feinstein wrote to the company’s lawyer in February 2013. “We have reached a point where the staff may be instructed in the very near future to commence litigation.” (Feinstein did not respond to emails seeking a comment.)

Celgene appeared to relent, telling the FTC that it would sell to generic makers, as long as the FDA approved their safety plan. In July, the FDA approved the safety protocols of generic maker Mylan.

Still, Celgene refused to sell.

Jon Leibowitz, who was the chairman of the FTC at the time, told me that Celgene’s promise to cooperate, even if it didn’t result in any sales to generic makers, lessened interest in the case among his fellow commissioners. Three of five commissioners need to vote in favor of commencing litigation. Now, in retrospect, he said that “if we knew then what we know now” about the delays, “we certainly would have brought a case.”

The agency would close its case in 2017 without taking any action.

With would-be generic competitors sidelined by Celgene’s refusal to sell drugs for testing, the company continued to raise the price of Revlimid.

They could raise their price any time they wanted to.

Francis Brown, former Celgene sales executive

On a Saturday morning in early March of 2014, Celgene President Mark Alles sent an internal email complaining of disappointing first quarter Revlimid sales. Revenue from the star drug, which had surpassed $1 billion the previous quarter, was down by about 1% — or $11.4 million.

“I have to consider every legitimate opportunity available to us to improve our Q1 performance,” he wrote. But the only idea he proposed was a familiar one: raise the price of the drug.

Alles said he wanted a meeting the following Monday to discuss an immediate 4% price increase, followed by another increase of 3% at the beginning of September.

The company implemented those hikes, along with a third in December. It brought the price of Revlimid to $9,854 a month, or $469 a pill, and helped boost Revlimid sales for the year to $5 billion. Alles didn’t respond to my requests for comment.

“They could raise their price any time they wanted to,” said Francis Brown, a former sales executive at the company, in a 2015 deposition. I wasn’t able to reach Brown for comment.

Celgene found a solution to the generic threat when it struck a deal to settle a lawsuit brought by generic maker NATCO Pharma in 2015. NATCO could bring a generic to market, Celgene agreed, but not for seven more years — in March 2022. Even then, the generic would be limited to less than 10% of the total market for Revlimid in the first year, with gradual increases after that.

The deal set the bar for deals with other rivals for limited generic sales, and it ensured that unlimited generic competition — and lower prices — would not arrive until 2026.

The delayed entry of generics may have been bad news for patients and health care payors, but there was one constituency that was thrilled with the 2015 deal. Celgene’s stock jumped nearly 10% the day after it was announced.

Revlimid turned out to be a unicorn for Celgene, a drug whose financial success proved impossible to replicate.

In October of 2017, Celgene announced it was abandoning a once-promising effort to develop a drug for Crohn’s disease. Shares of Celgene declined by 11%.

As it had done so many times in the past, Celgene tapped Revlimid to try to mitigate the damage. The day it announced the failure of the Crohn’s drug, it quietly raised the price of Revlimid by 9%.

By the end of the year, Celgene had cumulatively raised the cost 20% to $662 a pill, the largest one-year increase in the drug’s history.

That made Revlimid the most expensive Medicare drug that year, with the government insurance program spending $3.3 billion to provide it to 37,459 patients.

At Celgene, the brash increases triggered rare internal dissent. Betty Swartz, the company’s vice president of U.S. market access, objected to the measures in a pricing meeting with the CEO, who at the time was Alles, and other top executives. She said her concerns were swiftly dismissed, according to a whistleblower lawsuit she filed and later dismissed.

“Why would you be afraid to take an increase on our products?” she said the CEO told her. “What could be the worst thing that happens … a tweet here or there and bad press for a bit.” Swartz declined to comment.

The price increases added to the burden faced by many patients. In online groups, patients use words like “ridiculous,” “ugly” and “killer” when talking about the financial pain they have experienced related to the high costs associated with Revlimid. Some have taken out mortgages, raided retirement funds or cut back on everyday expenses like groceries to pay for Revlimid. Others have found overseas suppliers who ship the drug for pennies on the dollar, although doctors caution there’s no way to guarantee quality. Some just decide not to take the drug.

By increasing the price of Revlimid, Celgene executives in several instances boosted their pay. That’s because bonuses were tied to meeting revenue and earnings targets. In some years, executives would not have hit those targets without the Revlimid price increases, a congressional investigation later found.

In total, Celgene paid a handful of top executives about a half-billion dollars in the 12 years after Revlimid was approved.

Robert Hugin, who worked as Celgene’s CEO and then executive chairman, received $51 million in total compensation from 2015 to 2017. Hugin retired in 2018 to launch an unsuccessful Senate bid.

Even sales reps earned more than $1 million a year and were rewarded with trips to resorts such as the Four Seasons in Maui. That pay is more than two times what the average oncologist earns.

I connected with Hugin just before Christmas while he was driving. He was ardent in his defense of the pricing of Revlimid. He told me the drug passes any cost-benefit analysis because of its impact on multiple myeloma patients like myself. “People recognize when you have a breakthrough therapy and you have an opportunity to deliver that, you want to deliver that across the world,” he said. “And I think Revlimid is an example of a product that ends up to be a global lifesaver because of what it did.”

Hugin told me that when Revlimid has unlimited generic competition, the price will be “cheaper than aspirin” and patients will benefit from that low price for many decades.

Celgene also cited the cost of developing drugs and its expansive research efforts as reasons for the high cost of Revlimid. Celgene said it spent $800 million to develop Revlimid and spent several hundred million more on additional trials to study the use of the drug in other cancers. Those combined figures represent about 2% to 3% of Revlimid sales through 2018.

The drug didn’t get any better. The cancer patients didn’t get any better. You just got better at making money. You just refined your skills at price gouging.

Former Rep. Katie Porter, D-Calif.

By the end of 2018, Celgene’s stock was down 56% over the past 15 months amid development failures. Despite the raft of bad news, Alles’ total pay that year increased by $3 million to $16.2 million.

Celgene tried desperately to boost its flagging stock price by buying back $6 billion of its own shares that year.

Ultimately, the buyback was not enough. Just days into the new year in 2019, Celgene announced it had agreed to be acquired by Bristol Myers Squibb in a deal valued at $74 billion.

As part of a severance agreement, top Celgene executives stood to make millions once the deal closed. For Alles, that meant a potential estimated payday of $27.9 million.

In the fall of 2020, Alles appeared before the House Oversight Committee, which was investigating the high cost of prescription drugs. He said pricing decisions “reflected our commitment to patient access, the value of a medicine to patients and the health care system, the continuous effort to discover new medicines and new uses for existing medicines, and the need for financial flexibility.”

When it came time for questions, then-Rep. Katie Porter, D-Calif., quizzed Alles in rapid-fire style about Revlimid. Did the drug change as the price increased? Did it work faster? Were there fewer side effects? The drug was the same, Alles responded.

“So, to recap here,” Porter said. “The drug didn’t get any better. The cancer patients didn’t get any better. You just got better at making money. You just refined your skills at price gouging.”

High prices have consequences beyond individual patients. While there have been tremendous advancements in the treatment of my disease, there is still no cure. The specter of relapse hovers over every blood test, every new ache or pain.

The day I learned I was in remission, in November 2023, was bittersweet. I wrote at the time that I didn’t get to ring a bell — the traditional sign that a cancer patient has finished treatment. Instead, my doctor explained the next step: “maintenance” treatment.

This includes not only continuing Revlimid, but making monthly visits to my cancer center to get a shot of a bone-strengthening drug, have another drug injected into my stomach and blood drawn for lab tests.

“The visit,” I wrote that day, “only reinforced the fact that I’m a patient, and I always will be.”

For most of us, cancer will return at some point after treatment. And for most patients, the drugs eventually stop working.

Revlimid can also be difficult to live with. Some patients quit the drug after developing severe gastrointestinal issues, infections or liver problems. The drug also poses an increased risk of stroke, heart attack and secondary cancers.

Those are the trade-offs for keeping multiple myeloma in check.

Meanwhile, the drumbeat of price increases continues under Bristol Myers Squibb, helping the company bring in $48 billion in revenue from Revlimid since it purchased Celgene. Bristol said its pricing “reflects the continued clinical benefit Revlimid brings to patients, along with other economic factors.” The company said it is “committed to achieving unfettered patient access to our medicines” and provides some financial support for eligible patients. “While BMS develops prices for its medicines, we do not determine what patients will pay out of pocket.”

Last July, the cost of my monthly Revlimid prescription increased by 7% to $19,660.

At the beginning of this year, my insurer switched me to generic Revlimid. I didn’t fight it, thinking it would result in a dramatic decrease in what ProPublica’s health plan pays for the drug.

It turns out it is not much of a savings: The generic costs $17,349 a month.

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LeMadChef
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TL;DR Because we live in a capitalist hellscape.
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acdha
14 hours ago
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Washington, DC
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Do trans people have Second Amendment rights? Wyoming says maybe not.

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Jurisprudence
A young person with green-streaked hair, glasses, and a black t-shirt stands outside on a paved walkway while holding rolled-up papers and a tablet tightly to their chest. They are wearing a dark knit beanie covered in numerous political and social activism buttons, while other partially visible pedestrians and a bicycle stand in the background.

Last September, Ríhanna Kelver was standing outside the Crowbar & Grill in Laramie, Wyoming, preparing to start her bartending shift, when she noticed a group of men across the street. One of them was shouting in her direction, and Kelver heard several homophobic and transphobic slurs as he began approaching her. Moments later, according to court testimony and surveillance footage, the man shoved Kelver to the ground hard enough to injure her tailbone.

Kelver responded by drawing a pistol from her bag, chambering a round, and pointing the weapon at the man who had pushed her. She kept the safety on and never fired. The man and his companions retreated.

Today, Kelver, a 28-year-old trans woman, faces two felony charges—aggravated assault and possession of a deadly weapon with unlawful intent—that could carry up to 15 years in prison. The man who shoved Kelver and who allegedly initiated the confrontation, known only as “S. Durham,” has not been charged.

According to Wyoming Statute Section 6-2-602, people who are lawfully present do not have to try to retreat before using force to protect themselves from imminent death or serious bodily harm. This “stand your ground” law echoes statutes in 29 other states: They remove the duty to retreat, allowing a person to use defensive force as long as they are not the initial aggressor. Kelver’s attorney argues that she acted squarely within state law. The aggravated assault statute under which she was charged exempts situations in which displaying a firearm is “reasonably necessary” for self-defense. Video evidence confirms that Kelver was alone, outnumbered, physically assaulted, and left on the ground facing multiple aggressors.

But Albany County Circuit Court Judge Robert Sanford, who presided over Kelver’s pretrial hearing, agreed with the prosecutor that there was probable cause that she committed the crimes with which she was charged. Kelver must now argue her case in court, risking up to 15 years in prison if she cannot convince a jury that she was acting reasonably in self-defense. Cases like Kelver’s expose key contradictions at the heart of our cherished rhetoric of armed self-defense. The legal right to defend oneself has always proved far more fragile when exercised by the very people who most need protection.

For generations, our nation’s reigning political culture has celebrated armed self-defense as a fundamental right. In recent years, many states—with the blessing of the Supreme Court—have moved aggressively to expand “gun rights,” eliminating permit requirements, loosening restrictions on firearm carry, and framing armed self-defense as an essential expression of individual liberty and good citizenship. Wyoming has joined that movement, passing its “stand your ground” law in 2018 and adopting “constitutional” (aka permitless) carry in 2021.

In many ways, Kelver’s case echoes another one involving a person shoving another to the ground, and the latter brandishing a firearm. In July 2018, 28-year-old Markeis McGlockton took his young son into a Clearwater, Florida, convenience store to purchase snacks. His girlfriend, Britany Jacobs, idled their car in a disabled parking spot, accompanied by the couple’s other child. Upon hearing a commotion outside, McGlockton left the store to see 47-year-old Michael Drejka arguing heatedly with Jacobs. Fearing for his family’s safety, McGlockton shoved Drejka to the ground, and the latter pulled out his handgun.

McGlockton started backing away, but, unlike in Kelver’s case, Drejka fired his gun, striking McGlockton in the chest.

Markeis McGlockton died in front of his family, and Drejka—a white man—claimed that he had acted in self-defense, and that he was in “fear for his life” from the larger, younger Black man. The sheriff did not charge Drejka initially because of Florida’s “stand your ground” statute, which protects an individual’s right to use deadly force if they reasonably believe that their life is in danger.

The case pitted McGlockton’s right to defend his family from a threatening stranger against Drejka’s right to initiate a confrontation over a parking spot and to mete out justice according to his own whim. Due in large part to the release of video footage showing McGlockton starting to back away, Drejka was eventually charged with manslaughter. He was found guilty the year following the incident and is serving a 20-year sentence.

Unlike Drejka, Kelver did not fire her gun, nor did she initiate the confrontation, yet she was not given the benefit of the doubt by local authorities.

Kelver’s experience also fits a long and troubling history of transgender people being punished for their acts of survival. In 2011, Cece McDonald, a Black trans woman in Minnesota, defended herself with a pair of scissors during a racist and transphobic attack. One of her assailants died in the altercation that he initiated. Although evidence indicated that McDonald had been attacked first, she ultimately accepted a plea deal and served 19 months in a men’s prison.

In the same year, Ky Peterson, a young Black trans man in Georgia, shot and killed his rapist. Peterson was sentenced to 20 years and served nine. In each case, the legal system could not recognize the urgent need for protection experienced by people disproportionately targeted for harassment and violence. It is for this reason that transgender people who survive violence often find themselves transformed from victims into suspects—especially if they are nonwhite and/or low-income. Our legal system seems well prepared to scrutinize and punish their acts of self-preservation instead of examining the circumstances that made those acts necessary.

This dynamic is especially striking in Kelver’s case because it collides with another deeply American mythology: that the Second Amendment operates as a universal guarantee for everyone.

Gun rights advocates often describe firearms as the “great equalizer”: A firearm allows a smaller person to defend themselves against a larger attacker; it protects vulnerable individuals who cannot rely on immediate police intervention; it gives ordinary people the means to survive dangerous encounters.

If we accept the great-equalizer premise, then Kelver appears to be a textbook example of the iconic armed citizen endowed with Second Amendment rights. She is a well-trained and responsible gun owner. According to the Laramie Reporter, she was carrying a pistol because she had previously experienced threats from a patron where she worked.* On the night in question, she was physically assaulted by a large man and outnumbered by his companions. And unlike Michael Drejka, she brandished her gun without discharging it. By all accounts, Kelver’s perception of threat was reasonable, which—by Wyoming law—should exempt her from criminal prosecution.

The logic deployed against Kelver is ultimately about much more than her individual claim to “keep and bear” arms for her self-defense. It is about the ways our legal system creates categories of people whose claims to self-defense are treated as ephemeral. Once we decide that some citizens must clear a higher bar before they are permitted to protect themselves, rights stop functioning as rights. They become permissions granted or withheld based on the whims of those who interpret and adjudicate our laws.

Historically, that logic has never remained confined to a single group. Black and Indigenous Americans, labor organizers, immigrants, queer people, political dissidents, abuse survivors, and countless others have discovered that rights celebrated in the abstract can evaporate when exercised against the wrong forces.

At this moment, these forces include a federal government that has turned increasingly against its people while vitiating the rule of law, labeling everyone who resists “violent secular political groups whose ideology is anti-American, radically pro-transgender, and anarchist.”

In this light, the questions raised by Kelver’s case stretch beyond whether she should ultimately prevail at trial.

It is whether we all genuinely possess a right to stand up and defend ourselves from injustice and violence, or whether this right inheres only in certain kinds of people, the ones favored by those in power.

Update, June 5, 2026: This article has been updated to attribute reporting.

Correction, June 9, 2026: This post initially misstated that Kelver had been threatened by a co-worker.

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acdha
14 hours ago
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“Conservatism consists of exactly one proposition, to wit: There must be in-groups whom the law protects but does not bind, alongside out-groups whom the law binds but does not protect.”
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LeMadChef
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Denver, CO
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There's a lot of hype about Chinese EVs—is any of it true?

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The Beijing Auto Show is currently taking place in China, offering those of us behind the Trump tariff curtain a peek at what's increasingly being dubbed the world's most advanced car market. Chinese EVs leave everyone else in the dust, we're told, with infotainment that makes your smartphone look like a StarTac, range numbers that would make a turbodiesel Audi weep, and charging that might be even faster than filling up with gas, depending on the size of your tank.

As an American, I mostly have to take someone else's word for that. If there's one thing Democratic politicians can agree on with Republicans, even now, it's that they don't want cars from Chinese automakers on US roads. Toward the end of his administration, President Joe Biden levied a 100 percent tariff on Chinese EVs. Under the Biden and then Trump administrations, Congress passed a law restricting the sale of Chinese-linked connected car software in the US. President Trump has added further tariffs to Chinese imports, making their cars even less competitive here. And just this week, more than 70 Democratic representatives called for maintaining barriers to Chinese cars for both national security and economic reasons.

This puts those elected officials increasingly out of step with popular sentiment on the Internet (I'm using the Ars comments and social media platform Bluesky as my bellwethers). From what I can see, there's strong appetite for those sweet, cheap Chinese electric vehicles. Headlines like Reuters' claim that "[f]or the average price of a car in the US, you could buy 5 new Chinese EVs" only reinforce that sentiment.

And why wouldn't people want them? The average price of a new vehicle in the US in 2025 rose to $50,326 by year's end. That's up from ~$40,000 in 2020 and $35,000 in 2015. (Those numbers are for the mean; the medians are slightly less, but the difference is not great.)

Despite the sharp increase in 2020 caused by the pandemic and its associated supply shortages, average sales prices appear to have risen relatively linearly over time, according to Cox Automotive's data set. And according to Federal Reserve data, wages have also grown steadily (much of it in the lower four quintiles during the Biden administration).

People visit the booths of Mercedes-Benz and Beijing Automotive Group Co., Ltd. during the 2026 Beijing International Automotive Exhibition in Beijing, capital of China, April 26, 2026. The 2026 Beijing International Automotive Exhibition, which kicked off here on Friday, opens for professional visitors from April 26 to 27. The show in China's capital city has set a new global record for scale, spanning 380,000 square meters across two venues, with 1,451 vehicles on display -- 181 of them premieres and 71 concept cars. (Photo by Ju Huanzong/Xinhua via Getty Images) The auto show might be dead in the US and Europe, but it's apparently alive and kicking in China. Credit: Ju Huanzong/Xinhua via Getty Images

But for most of the 2010s, interest rates were zero or close to it; today, they very much are not. So financed purchases feel even more expensive than the raw inflation statistics would suggest. And it's exacerbating as, according to the Fed, American car buyers are borrowing twice as much as they did in 2009, and for longer. Consumer advice orgs like Edmunds might suggest a 60-month loan, but many car buyers are now financing vehicles over 72 or 84 months to keep their monthly payments down.

No wonder buying a car feels increasingly unaffordable.

Some of the concerns are legitimate

Much of the opposition from lawmakers has been framed in terms of protecting domestic jobs. These are not entirely spurious fears: 952,000 people work in motor vehicle and parts manufacturing in the US, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. Some work for Ford and General Motors and the cluster of Stellantis brands we still think of as domestic. But European, Japanese, and Korean automakers also employ tens of thousands of workers, not to mention Tesla and the other startups. There's even more work for suppliers further up the parts chain.

Those jobs are indeed at risk if China were to flood the US with cheap imports. China has been directly subsidizing its green industries to dominate those in Europe and the US (above and beyond the kinds of consumer-facing incentives that the EU and, until recently, the US, also provide). But the advantages of the Chinese car industry go far beyond that. Chinese average wages are a quarter of those in the US, and being able to throw more workers at a factory while still keeping overheads lower than your rivals gives Chinese OEMs a cost advantage. Even more favorable financing terms with suppliers, or not having to pay to license foreign intellectual property, gives them a real boost, according to analysts.

That's why the European Central Bank blamed Chinese competition for causing 240,000 job losses, many of them in the auto industry. There's plenty of alarm sounding from industry executives right now, too. Ford CEO Jim Farley, who spent months driving Chinese cars daily, said last week that there's enough excess capacity in China's car industry to easily swallow the 12 million or so cars currently bought each year in the US. And Koji Sato, outgoing president and CEO at Toyota, warned last month that Japanese automakers were doomed unless they could learn to match the speed of innovation of their new Chinese competitors.

The other stated reason for blocking Chinese cars is the threat to privacy and national security. Again, there are valid concerns here. Just ask the Chinese government, which stopped allowing Teslas to drive near its military bases and other sensitive locations more than five years ago, although that ban was recently dropped after Tesla began complying with Chinese data-security rules. Among those rules? For almost a decade, Chinese automakers have had to hand over copious amounts of data on their customers' driving habits to their government.

Are we getting the whole story?

For all the breathless coverage we read (or see on TikTok or Reels, perhaps), it's very rarely mentioned that those Chinese EVs aren't nearly as cheap when they're imported into Europe. Yes, they're undercutting the competition, but once the cars have been specced to meet European expectations, they might cost more than double their Chinese retail price. So the cars are a few thousand euros or pounds cheaper than established alternatives, but they're hardly the bargains the Internet has promised you.

Parked BYD Co. Dolphin Surf electric vehicle at the model launch event in Paris, France, on Wednesday, May 21, 2025. The launch of the Dolphin Surf, a fully-electric hatchback, will likely strengthen BYD's foothold in Europe at a time when Chinese EV makers have been losing momentum on the continent. Photographer: Cyril Marcilhacy/Bloomberg via Getty Images The <a href="https://arstechnica.com/cars/2025/04/a-small-cheap-ev-you-cant-buy-in-the-us-we-test-the-byd-dolphin/">BYD Dolphin</a> might start at under $14,000 in China, but in the UK, the cheapest one will cost twice that—before you factor in the 20 percent VAT. Just something to consider. Credit: Cyril Marcilhacy/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Did I mention that those Chinese prices have been kept artificially low thanks to a price war among China's hundreds of car companies, driven by government policies that incentivized overproduction?

That price war is mostly over now at the behest of the Chinese government, but the overproduction problem is quite real: China has the capacity to build about 45 million cars a year; last year, it built about 34 million cars, and fewer than half were sold domestically. The flood of Chinese car exports to the rest of the world does not stem from some kind of altruistic intention from President Xi Jinping to increase global mobility.

Those inexpensive cars are also cheap because they make do with small batteries, and the range numbers are based on China's CLTC test. That bears little resemblance to the EPA's testing, which remains the closest approximation of real-world efficiency for EVs.

Let's be clear: Short-range EVs have been a sales disaster in the US. It's ludicrous to pretend otherwise. This country's car buyers' obsession with being able to drive 300 miles uninterrupted, then stop for five minutes before covering another 300 miles, is undeniable. It's also why every automaker selling a car here now puts such a large, heavy, and expensive battery pack between the wheels of their respective EVs. There's a reason the Model S made as much of an impact as it did in 2012—200 miles of range was unheard of. Likewise, when the Chevy Bolt hit the street in early 2017 with a legit 238 miles for a fraction of the price, it was a significant achievement.

The small, short-range EVs that predate or co-existed alongside those—let's call them second-gen lithium-ion EVs that began with the Model S—were compliance cars, offering maybe 150 miles of range on a good day. Unsurprisingly, America turned its nose up at them. The gas-powered Smart Car didn't even suffer from an EV's long recharging times or higher purchase price, and no one can credibly pretend those were a sales success here, either.

The marketeers might have pushed people from sedans to SUVs, but they're not responsible for an environment in which every street has to be wide enough for two fire engines—that's on your local fire department and the American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials.

Policies can push things the other way. Kei cars are popular in Japan not because of an inherent preference for tiny cars but because you can't buy a car in Japan without having a parking space for it, and a tiny Kei-sized space is much cheaper than one large enough for a compact car by European, American, or Chinese standards. I recently contacted the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration to see if there's been any movement on the Trump edict to bring them to US roads but have not heard back for a couple of weeks now.

This is what you want?

Li Auto interior.
Li Auto L6 interior. Credit: Li Auto
Nio interior.
NIO ET9 interior. Credit: NIO
Zeekr interior
The Zeekr 9X interior. Credit: Zeekr
An Aito M9 inteiror
The interior of the Seres AITO M9. Credit: Seres

Then there are the cars themselves. Again, I'm mostly judging customer sentiment by 12+ years of reader comments and from what people post on social media, but I had thought we agreed that car interfaces that rely almost entirely on touchscreens are not a positive industry trend. They save OEMs time and money, but a touch interface is unequivocally less safe than buttons, which have to be individually homologated and individually assembled, and in this smartphone age, I certainly don't think the front seat passenger needs a whole extra screen just for them.

But that's what Chinese OEMs are offering, and that's what we're told rivals the invention of the presliced breadloaf in the grand discussion of "best things." Think of every trend in the automotive industry of the last decade that you hate, and you'll probably find plenty of it baked into new Chinese EVs. (On the other hand, LED headlights that also work as movie projectors are kinda cool—not gonna lie.)

Are we truly crying out for even more of a smartphone experience in our cars? I don't know about you, but when I'm behind the wheel, it's a guaranteed time of day when I can't and won't be doomscrolling. If the point is to give me something to do while I'm charging, why won't the phone I already have work?

And that's before the vehicles are crammed full of AI. Chinese automakers have become a new vanguard in the nation's latest five-year plan, with a "revolution" spanning design and production, as well as in-car features like letting you give vague, natural-language directions instead of specifying a specific destination.

One might think that last bit of news would land like a lead balloon among communities with a high degree of disgust for AI. Then again, perhaps not. Principles like solidarity with workers or a commitment to road safety or being distrustful of AI are easy to maintain in the abstract if all they require is the occasional post on the Internet or social media.

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LeMadChef
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