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A Racist Arcade Is The Latest White House Initiative Nobody Asked For

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A Racist Arcade Is The Latest White House Initiative Nobody Asked For

Instead of doing literally anything actually good for Americans, United States president Donald Trump's administration is spending time and money making cruel, bad games. The White House website now has an "arcade" page in which people can play Tetris re-skinned to "protect the border from the coming horde" of immigrants, Snake where you play as Immigration and Customs Enforcement kidnapping undocumented people, and an egregious ripoff of Flappy Bird.

Aftermath has reached out to Microsoft, Nintendo, The Tetris Company, and other companies which have had their imagery used for comment. None have responded.

(Update 9/4/26, 1:46pm--Tetris wrote on its official Instagram account that "The Tetris Company was not involved in the creation of ‘Build the Wall’. P.P.S. We take copyright infringement very seriously." In a posted note, the company wrote that "At Tetris we believe in the power of connection and bringing people together, not dividing them.")

"Can't stop winning," the White House posted from its X account. "Build the wall. Deport. Fill a Trump account."

A video accompanying the embarrassing tweet shows the uninspired gameplay of each of these, set to music from Sonic the Hedgehog. Other posts on X promoting the arcade use the Xbox, Nintendo GameCube, and Pac-Man logos. Reached for comment, a White House representative pointed Aftermath to an article on Fox News

"This administration is laser focused on ways to innovate and tell the story of the President’s many accomplishments in a way that resonates with every American," a White House representative said in a statement. "The President continues to rack up victory after victory on behalf of the American public, while opponents of his agenda are defending their record of raising taxes and empowering criminal illegal aliens. This is an effort to further contrast between a culture of fun and winning and the dark socialist vision Democrats have for America."

Embarrassing! Racist! Cruel! And, honestly, who is this even for? Are there hordes of Trump supporters looking to play poorly implemented video games on the White House website? Why spend time on something so dumb? Presumably, this cost some amount of money and time when there are other, more pressing matters to focus on. Food recalls have increased dramatically. We can't eat anything without the risk of salmonella or the new-ish explosive diarrhea disease. But who can afford groceries anyway, or even drive to the grocery store? Meanwhile, ICE continues to rip people away from their families and treat them inhumanely in custody. This month, The Guardian reported that ICE has withheld cancer treatment for a 76-year-old permanent resident. ICE detained more than 50,000 people in August alone—something the government is bragging about as a record.

But the games! The White House representative did not respond when asked who made these games. There's some speculation that the games may have been vibe-coded. Unfortunately, these games are aligned with the Trump administration's wider strategy of co-opting popular culture to promote itself with cringe propaganda. The White House posted clips of Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 3 interspersed with footage from its Iran attacks. As Riley wrote in March, when this was posted, "it should be shocking—our highest level of government treating a conflict that has left a reported over 1,000 people dead, including more than 100 children, as a joke—but what else do we expect from them at this point?"

Some companies have spoken out about this sort of usage—the White House has posted clips based on anime and other video games, like the Halo franchise—but most have not. Nintendo, after the White House posted a video montage using Pokémon footage and music, said they did not grant permission for usage in this way.

Call Of Duty Enters The White House’s Arsenal Of Memes
The latest in a growing line of horrifying government posts
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LeMadChef
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Trump Moves to Strip Tax Exemption From Schools That Aid Minority Students - The New York Times

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LeMadChef
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... and give them to Evangelical schools like "PragerU"
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acdha
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DOGE Affiliate Asked for College Credits for Participating in Takeover | WIRED

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According to new documents obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, an undergraduate working with DOGE requested that his work for HUD count towards his University of Chicago degree.
Photograph: Samuel Corum/Getty Images

Christopher Sweet, an affiliate of the so-called Department of Government Efficiency, requested college credit for his time in government, according to new documents obtained by a Freedom of Information Act request filed by Democracy Forward, a nonprofit legal organization.

Sweet was stationed at the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), and in emails between Sweet and Scott Langmack, another DOGE affiliate at HUD, it appears that Sweet was looking to frame his work at HUD as an independent study worth three college credits. Sweet joined HUD in the spring of 2025 as an undergraduate college student at the University of Chicago to work on building an AI tool that would crawl through the agency’s rules and regulations and flag them for rescission, or the cancellation of contracts. The tool, called SweetRex, was intended to be rolled out across the federal government.

In an August 26, 2025 email titled “which of these should go to U Chicago,” Langmack wrote to Sweet saying, “I need to send them something that has specific framework of the different courses/credits we want them to give you.”

Documents attached to the email show that Sweet’s work was divided into four potential courses, “Advanced AI Prompt Engineering for Legal Reasoning,” “Applied Data Science for Federal Regulatory Analysis,” “Computer Programming for Scalable Al-Legal Systems,” and “Legislative & Regulatory Authority in AI-Driven Reform.” It appears these were meant to lead to a final proposed thesis focused on “the design, implementation, and impact of integrated AI, data science, software engineering, and legal authority analysis to rationalize outdated federal regulations.” The documents make clear that Sweet’s work was not an internship but, “graduate-level, multi-disciplinary research producing real-world outputs that are already influencing federal regulatory reform."

It appears that the final outline that was created to send to the University of Chicago for approval was created by AI. In an August 27, 2025 email, Langmack tells Sweet “I did the outline on ChatGPT.”

HUD and the University of Chicago did not reply to requests for comment. WIRED confirmed that Sweet did, in fact, graduate from the University of Chicago this June with a degree in economics, though it is unclear if credits from his time with DOGE contributed to the school’s requirements.

Langmack came to HUD from the property technology company Kukun—whose website describes it as being on “a long-term mission to aggregate the hardest to find data”—with zero experience in the federal government. He is now the executive director of deregulation AI at the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), according to his LinkedIn. Langmack did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

“These documents raise serious concerns about how one of DOGE’s unqualified employees has been entrusted to handle legal work, rewriting rules and regulations that affect millions of Americans, while attempting to count this work towards an undergraduate degree,” says Daniel McGrath, special counsel for oversight at Democracy Forward, describing the case as part of the “Trump-Vance administration’s relentless pursuit to cripple the important work of the federal government.”

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LeMadChef
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Ken Paxton’s Financial Disclosures Appear to Violate Federal Ethics Law, Experts Say

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Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton appears to have violated federal ethics law in significant ways when filing recent disclosures of his assets and liabilities, creating confusion about his net worth and holdings, a review by ProPublica and The Texas Tribune found.

Among them: Paxton, the Republican nominee for U.S. Senate, reported owning seven homes but said he earned no income from any. Yet all but one was listed for rent during the reporting periods, and some current residents and neighbors at those addresses confirmed that the properties were rented, the news organizations found. Receiving income and not reporting it is a violation of federal disclosure law, three ethics experts said. 

Additionally, Paxton did not disclose mortgages for three condos at a Utah golf resort that federal law requires him to list as liabilities if they are not personal residences. 

He also valued his stake in a vacant plot of Texas land at up to $50,000 on last year’s filing, but his business partner told the newsrooms Paxton’s share for years has been worth about $1 million. Federal financial disclosure law requires property to be listed at fair market value.

The apparent errors and omissions the newsrooms found obscure the extent of Paxton’s income streams, assets and debt, making it difficult for voters to make sense of his finances as they mull whether to support him in November’s election, the ethics experts said.

“It reflects either pure sloppiness on Paxton’s part or a deliberate effort to conceal some of his investments and property holdings,” said Craig Holman, a government affairs lobbyist for the nonpartisan good-government group Public Citizen.

A close-up screenshot of an amended financial disclosure form highlighting a joint asset listed as undeveloped land in Johnson County, Texas, valued between $15,001 and $50,000. A close-up screenshot of a financial disclosure document highlighting a joint asset listed as undeveloped land in Johnson County, Texas, valued between $1,000,001 and $5,000,000.
In Paxton’s filings reviewed by ProPublica and The Texas Tribune, he valued an undeveloped plot of land as worth up to $50,000 in 2025, first image, but then listed it the following year at between $1 million and $5 million, second image. Obtained and highlighted by ProPublica and the Texas Tribune

If Paxton wins, an incomplete picture of his finances could prevent watchdogs from evaluating his conflicts of interest as a senator, Holman and others said.

The apparent omissions are part of a pattern for Paxton. Over three terms as attorney general, he has withheld financial information that could explain how he became a multimillionaire and had the resources to purchase more than a dozen properties in five states. He began including many of these on his state disclosures only after the Texas Ethics Commission closed a loophole in 2024 that Paxton had cited to leave them off. Most were acquired while Paxton earned a government salary of $153,750.

In the new federal disclosure, filed in August after Paxton received a three-month extension, he reported a net worth between $1 million and $27 million. That is a significantly higher range than the negative $1.9 million to $11.1 million net worth he reported a year ago, before he had secured the Republican nomination but after he had declared his candidacy for federal office.

The spike was driven not by Paxton’s acquisition of more assets but because the reported value on several of his properties soared. 

Paxton’s report omitted listing as assets seven properties worth about $5.2 million collectively, including the Utah condos for which he did not disclose mortgages. He co-owns all of his known real estate holdings with his estranged wife, state Sen. Angela Paxton, property records show. The eight he reported are held by their blind trust, which is managed by a family friend.

Federal rules do not require candidates to report as assets personal homes or properties from which they don’t earn money, even if the properties are worth millions.

At a time when voters feel anxious about their own personal finances and dislike the idea of politicians getting rich in office, it would be wise for Paxton to be more transparent about his wealth, said Texas ethics and campaign finance lawyer Andrew Cates.

“If it were me trying to get people’s vote, I would err on the side of transparency rather than not,” Cates said.

Paxton declined to be interviewed and did not answer detailed questions about how he filled out the disclosure forms. Madison Cercy, a spokesperson for his campaign, said Paxton “has had a long and successful career outside of public service, including running his own small business as a lawyer. Stirring up partisan allegations is nothing more than a bad attempt to manufacture controversy where none exists.”

Before being elected to the state Legislature in 2002, Paxton worked at a law firm in the Dallas area and was a corporate attorney for JCPenney. His state financial disclosure for 2001 listed assets totaling no more than $170,000, a ProPublica and Tribune analysis found.

By 2015, his household net worth had grown to $5.4 million, according to financial records lawmakers subpoenaed in 2023 after impeaching Paxton on charges that he took bribes in exchange for helping an Austin real estate investor.

The records, few of which were admitted into evidence during the 10-day Senate trial that resulted in his acquittal, document how Paxton built a diverse portfolio that included investments in a cellphone tower, an HVAC company, a cement supplier and a police body camera manufacturer. He netted $2.2 million when Motorola acquired the body camera firm in 2019, according to his income tax return from that year. 

Shortly after, he went on a real estate buying spree, snapping up six properties in Oklahoma, Florida, Utah and Hawaii. His impeachment defense team said Paxton made a prudent shift toward real estate at a time of rock-bottom interest rates.

Questions about Paxton’s integrity have dogged him in the race for U.S. Senate. His opponent, Democratic state Rep. James Talarico, entered September with a narrow polling lead — uncharted territory in a state where Republicans have not lost a statewide race in 32 years. 

A University of Texas/Texas Politics Project poll released last week found that just a third of respondents viewed Paxton as “honest and trustworthy.” The same day the statewide poll was published, a super PAC supporting Talarico hit the airwaves with an ad that labeled the attorney general as “the most corrupt politician in Texas.” The commercial included a reference to Paxton’s recently disclosed net worth.

Talarico’s net worth, according to his most recent personal financial disclosure, was between $67,000 and $305,000. The range changed little from the previous year. Like Paxton, Talarico did not include his single personal residence among his reported assets. 

James Henson, director of the Texas Politics Project, said the questions surrounding Paxton’s latest financial disclosures reinforce a longstanding narrative that the attorney general is secretive about his finances and may have leveraged his public position for personal gain.

“It’s his choice how much he explains or doesn’t explain,” Henson said. “But I think that comes with a potential cost, and we’re seeing that in public opinion.”

Paxton’s pivot to real estate appears to be a way to supplement his salary as attorney general. The newsrooms found recent rental listings for six of the properties he disclosed but for which he said he derived no income: two homes in Ocala, Florida; a home and a condo in Austin; a home in College Station, Texas; and a vacation lodge in Broken Bow, Oklahoma. 

A tenant confirmed to the newsrooms she’s living at one of Florida houses. At the Austin condo complex, a next-door neighbor said Paxton’s unit has a renter. And the five-bedroom, three-story Oklahoma lodge he owns is listed online as a short-term rental for up to $1,200 a night, with fall bookings filling up fast.

On his disclosure forms, which require real estate income to be reported, Paxton for each property selected the option “None (or less than $201).”

Federal law requires candidates who aren’t currently in Congress to report all loans exceeding $10,000, except those for personal residences. Paxton did not report three mortgages totaling $1.3 million for condos at the Black Desert Resort in southwest Utah, renowned for its world-class golf course. He purchased the properties in February; the reporting period for the most recent disclosure ran through mid-May. 

Reporters found the mortgage documents in local land records. Each contains an addendum to the mortgage that is used for rental properties, said New Jersey real estate lawyer Daniel M. Shlufman. That addendum removes a requirement that the unit be owner-occupied and allows the lender to collect rent directly from tenants if Paxton were to default on the loan.

Paxton purchased another condo at the resort in 2025, which he disclosed on his most recent report as an asset and a liability. The land records show he obtained a $640,000 mortgage for it. The resort advertises a program in which it leases units purchased by investors, but it declined to say if Paxton’s properties were enrolled in it.

“It’s kind of mind-boggling to think about having four homes at one resort property and imagining those are for personal use,” said Cynthia Brown, a senior lawyer at the government watchdog Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington.

The most significant changes between Paxton’s 2025 and 2026 reports were the valuations of the Oklahoma lodge and a plot of land outside of Fort Worth, whose value he said had increased by millions of dollars.

He appears to have switched from reporting the properties’ assessed values, which are set by the local county, to the loftier estimates of what they would fetch on the open market. 

Paxton’s initial use of the lowball values appears to defy federal rules aimed at bringing candidates’ disclosed property values in line with what they’re actually worth. While the Senate Ethics Committee instructs filers that they can use a recent tax assessment to set the worth of certain property, they must adjust it to market value if it is assessed below that. In these cases, valuations must be disclosed as a specific dollar figure rather than a range.

On both his annual reports as a Senate candidate, Paxton listed ranges for the value of each property he disclosed.

Last year, Paxton reported the Oklahoma lodge, just north of the Texas border, as worth between $100,001 and $250,000. The local county assesses the property at $176,000. Its estimated market value, meanwhile, is more than $1.5 million, according to real estate websites. This year, Paxton’s disclosure valued the property at between $1 million and $5 million. 

Likewise, Paxton valued a 42-acre plot of undeveloped land in Johnson County, south of Fort Worth, at between $15,001 and $50,000 last year. The county assesses the property as farmland worth $20,008, but estimates its market value is $2.9 million. This year, Paxton’s disclosure said the property was worth between $1 million and $5 million.

Paxton bought the property in 2006 with a group of investors including Rob Orr, with whom he served in the Texas House of Representatives. Orr, who manages the investment, said in an interview that Paxton’s 20% stake is worth about $1 million.

“It would have been around a million for quite a while, probably the last four or five years,” Orr said. “It has increased in value because of zoning and because of time.”

The group bought the plot to hold onto, Orr said, until creeping growth from the Dallas-Fort Worth area made it attractive for redevelopment. He said the group is negotiating a sale to a developer. Last year, Orr persuaded the City Council in Burleson to rezone the land, which had been restricted to agriculture, to permit retail and housing.

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Paxton’s move to significantly revalue his assets without explaining why is “very strange,” said Margaret Dylus-Yukins, senior counsel for ethics at the nonpartisan Campaign Legal Center, which advocates for strong disclosure rules. Dylus-Yukins, who worked for six years analyzing executive branch officials’ financial disclosures for the U.S. Office of Government Ethics, said the agency would ask filers to explain major changes in writing.

“When you have public officials that appear to be fudging the numbers on their disclosure forms, and the Senate Ethics Committee is letting that slide, then you’re not only eroding trust in the committee but the candidate himself,” Dylus-Yukins said, referring to the significant differences between the filings. 

The ethics committee did not respond to requests for comment. Candidates or senators who willingly falsify financial disclosures can be fined up to $50,000 or prosecuted for making a false statement to the government, a felony. The committee rarely investigates senators and has not formally sanctioned a member in 19 years.

Candidates do not have to file any more federal financial disclosures before the November election.

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LeMadChef
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Do we still prosecute federal ethics law? Asking for a comrade.
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acdha
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US vaccination rates fall again as exemptions continue to rise, CDC data shows

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The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention on Monday released data on the vaccination rates of US kindergarteners in the 2025–2026 school year, revealing that rates have once again decreased from the previous school year.

Vaccination rates have been slipping since the 2019–2020 school year, when the US had obtained rates of around 95 percent, the threshold needed to keep outbreaks of vaccine-preventable diseases from spreading in communities. The latest data shows the US is moving further away from that target.

Nationally, only 92.4 percent of kindergartners were vaccinated with the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine in the 2025–2026 school year, down from 92.5 percent last year. Coverage with the DTaP vaccine, which covers diphtheria, tetanus, and acellular pertussis (whooping cough), similarly fell from 92.1 percent to 92.0 percent.

More than half of states saw decreases in coverage for MMR, DTaP, polio vaccine, and varicella/chickenpox vaccine. Only 10 states have MMR vaccination rates at or above the 95 percent threshold: West Virginia, Connecticut, Maine, New York, Mississippi, Rhode Island, Maryland, Massachusetts, California, and New Mexico.

While vaccination rates slipped further, the number of children with exemptions from school vaccine requirements jumped more dramatically. In the 2025–2026 school year, 4 percent of kindergartners had a nonmedical exemption—meaning it was an exemption based on personal or religious beliefs. That's up from a 3.2 percent nonmedical exemption rate in 2024–2025. Medical exemptions have held steady over recent years at 0.2 percent.

Real threats

Rising exemption rates are concerning because it lowers what the CDC calls the "potentially achievable" vaccine coverage. Some children may be unvaccinated or undervaccinated based on barriers to care, which could potentially be remedied by public health efforts, such as targeted vaccination clinics or campaigns. Children with non-medical exemptions, on the other hand, are those whose parents have purposefully opted them out of getting recommended vaccines.

If the overall number of exemptions exceeds 5 percent in any given location, it means that the location will not be able to achieve the 95 percent coverage target. Currently, 24 states have exemption rates at or above 5 percent. That's up from 14 states in the 2023–2024 school year.

In past years, the CDC has provided its analysis of national vaccination data in a full, detailed report, published in the agency's Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. But under anti-vaccine Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the CDC has, like last year, only released the data online, without full analysis or vetted publication.

The data lands as vaccine-preventable diseases continue to rise and spread in the US. The country is on the verge of losing its measles elimination status as cases have reached a 34-year high and are still ticking upward. Last week, President Trump and Kennedy continued their efforts to undermine childhood vaccines, announcing an executive order to reduce the number of recommended vaccinations. The order has no scientific basis, and at a White House signing event, Trump and Kennedy spread vaccine falsehoods, misinformation, and disinformation.

In a media statement Monday, the CDC under Kennedy said that the agency "continues to encourage parents to discuss vaccination options with their doctors."

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Remembering the pre-Google web, when search was an experiment

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In the mid-'90s, the web was exploding, but finding anything of actual value on it felt like an elaborate negotiation with whatever proto-search engine happened to be standing closest to the door. Unlike now, when Google is widely seen as both portal and gatekeeper, sites like AltaVista, Lycos, Excite, HotBot, and Ask Jeeves promised to tame the chaos, each with its own suite of quirks, charms, and flaws.

The real story of pre-Google search is not that early engines were inferior. It's that they reflected a different Internet entirely, one where directories mattered, crawling was still an art, ranking was fragile, and the idea of “search” had not yet hardened into a single dominant interface.

A different kind of web

The first thing to remember about the pre-Google Internet is that there was no built-in assumption that you could search for everything. Many users found pages through Yahoo-style directories, bookmarks, newsgroups, email signatures, and links from site to site because the web was still small enough that human organization could compete with machine indexing. It was an era of Wild West-style discoverability. Search engines existed, but they were only one part of a larger ecosystem that blended curation and accident.

Before those engines became the main public interface to the web, resources like Usenet were showing people how to organize and discover information online. Conceived in 1979, it gave users topic-based newsgroups and a culture of distributed discussion that made online information feel social and communal before the first major web engines arrived. Usenet helped establish the habit of navigating vast, messy digital spaces through categories and communities rather than a single search box.

Nicole M. Radziwill worked as a systems administrator, programmer, and project manager, among other things, in the ‘90s. She remembers Usenet as a portal to unearthing interesting content online. "It was the way to find out about websites that might interest you," she said. "I got on Usenet in 1990 as a student in Durham, North Carolina... it was delightful, especially the alt.* and misc.* groups. People would put links in at the bottom of their posts, and awareness grew organically. And if you wanted safer or more reliable recommendations, you could limit yourself to moderated groups."

It was an era when the term "discovery" carried actual weight, when you could authentically be one of the first people viewing a piece of content, regardless of its quality or how long it may have existed—an era of equal parts wonder and frustration.

"Then a couple of years later, webrings popped up," Radziwill said. "You'd get a block of code and put it on the bottom of your site's HTML page, and it would embed a link to the next website related to this one. Someone else would manage the list of what could come next, so it was a great way to increase your exposure. The people putting together the lists for the webrings were generally pretty upstanding, so we didn't even think about sabotage."

Webrings are another pre-Google artifact that recalls an era when microcommunities sprang up, not unlike those in the BBS era, from groups of people sharing niche interests, sometimes even local to one another in the real world. Before monolithic aggregators like Reddit, webrings were one of a handful of ways to find sites focused on the topics you were interested in.

That mattered because the web had not yet become a pure retrieval machine. It still had a culture of exploration, and many services were designed to help users browse topical categories rather than fire a query into a universal index. In that world, a webring or directory was not a compromise. It was often the main event.

Directories before algorithms

Yahoo is the best-known example of this early logic. It began as a human-edited guide to the web, organized into nested subject categories and maintained by people rather than fully automated ranking systems. For a young web, that approach was surprisingly effective: Human editors could identify quality sites, filter obvious junk, and impose a sense of order on a medium that was still expanding rapidly.

"I was a sysadmin for an 'ecommerce shop' in 1995 and 1996," Radziwill told me, "and when we would turn up websites for new clients, the highlight of our process was submitting the site to Yahoo. Yahoo was like the Yellow Pages, but only for websites. There was a form you would fill out, and you had to justify to the real people at Yahoo that this business you were submitting was legit and important enough to be in Yahoo's main directory."

That kind of human curation is almost unimaginable now.

"I remember one time submitting the website for a regional branch of the American Cancer Society and getting rejected because it 'wasn't significant enough,'" Radziwill said. "They recommended we contact the main ACS and have them link the site from their page... that they didn't have yet."

It was a time when getting accepted into a directory like Yahoo by their human moderators was a massive badge of honor. But the model had obvious limits. Human curation couldn't scale forever, and it became more expensive and less timely as the web ballooned and content outpaced curation. The moment the number of pages outstripped the number of people who could reasonably classify them, the future belonged to crawlers and ranking systems.

The rise of crawlers

Search engines of the era confronted the scale problem with software. Many of the first big commercial systems, like AltaVista, Lycos, Excite, and HotBot, used crawlers and indexes to automatically map a growing web rather than relying on editors to hand-classify every site. While these engines didn't all work the same way, they shared a core ambition: to gather up as much of the web as possible and let the algorithm sort through the mess.

It may sound obvious now, but it was a leap at the time. AltaVista in particular represented a major step forward, combining a fast crawler with scalable indexing software, and was already handling millions of HTTP requests per day shortly after launch. It made search feel less like browsing a catalog and more like querying a giant machine.

AltaVista’s moment

AltaVista became one of the defining search engines of the 1990s because it was fast, broad, and unusually capable for the time. Later versions supported natural language-style searches and gave users the sense that the web could finally be approached as an indexable whole, even if the results were still rough around the edges. In a decade when many people were still learning what the web even was and grappling with its vastness, it felt close to miraculous. But it was still a very limited tool compared to the hyper-sophistication of an evolved engine like modern Google.

Mark Friend, director of the IT support firm Classroom365 Limited, worked as a systems operator in the late ‘90s. He remembers that in the pre-Google era, searching the web was both a technical skill and an art form.

A dense page of hyperlinks and text with a search bar near the top Altavista in 1999. Credit: Web Design Museum

"Most people have completely forgotten how chaotic it really was," Friend said. "Back then, if you typed a question into AltaVista, the odds were stacked against you if you were looking for anything specific. You'd receive 40,000 results that would leave you just as confused as shouting into a crowded room."

Compared with Google's once-user-friendly UI and more relevant results, combing through an AltaVista results page required patience and genuine skill that was honed over time. But AltaVista did accomplish one important thing: It set the expectation that search should be immediate. That expectation proved decisive. Once users experienced a search engine that could quickly sweep a huge index, they stopped accepting sluggish, partial systems as sufficient. AltaVista didn't win the search war, but it clarified the rules of engagement.

Lycos, Excite, and the portal era

Lycos and Excite occupied an important middle ground. They were search brands, but they were also portals, meaning they strove to be destinations as much as tools. Search lived alongside breakouts for news, email, sports, weather, finance, and other content, all designed to keep users on the site rather than springing off to results pages.

The classic Excite logo tops a web page of blue links Excite in 1997. Credit: Web Design Museum

These companies demonstrated how unsettled the category was. Some engines emphasized breadth, some emphasized speed, and some blended editorial channels with automated results in ways that feel alien today. The “search engine” label covered a wide range of products, from directory services and crawlers to portals with search bolted on as a tertiary feature.

HotBot, Inktomi, and technical credibility

HotBot earned a reputation as one of the more technically serious search engines of the era. It arrived during a period when users were beginning to notice that search quality depended on both the size of the index and the sophistication of the ranking system behind it—the scalable backend was provided by Inktomi. A fast crawl was not enough; people wanted results that were relevant, current, and not obviously gamed.

A mostly green old-fashioned website with left-hand navigation Hotbot in 1999. Credit: Web Design Museum

That tension exposed a weakness in the early generations of machine-based search. If a system leaned too heavily on on-page textual signals, people could just overstuff their content with word bloat to artificially boost ranking. If an engine relied mostly on easily manipulated on-page signals, marketing could overpower quality. The early web quickly became a laboratory for manipulation, even before anyone used the term "search engine optimization" (SEO) in the modern sense.

Ask Jeeves and the question interface

Ask Jeeves stood out because it tried to make search feel conversational, an idea that feels especially prescient in the age of the AI chatbot—though Ask Jeeves obviously did not offer anything close to the conversational interface based on today’s large language models. Mark Friend said Ask Jeeves felt genuinely futuristic because instead of asking users to think in keywords, it invited them to query in natural language, giving the impression of a web managed by a knowledgeable assistant.

A search box next to an illustration of a butler Ask Jeeves in 1999. Credit: Web Design Museum

The problem was that natural language is hard. Users didn't always ask clean questions, and the underlying systems were not yet good enough to infer intent reliably at scale. Ask Jeeves was memorable because, without the underpinning of deep learning and LLMs, it purported to understand the user experience better than the technology of the time could support.

Search before SEO

The pre-Google web was also a pre-industrial SEO environment. Site owners tried to improve visibility, but the modern system of search optimization had not yet become the massive, professionalized discipline it later became, with full departments of "experts" chasing ephemeral signaling from Google and attempting to predict its next mysterious pivot. Early engines were still relatively easy to influence with obvious signals like keyword repetition, metadata, and submission tactics.

"People didn't talk about ranking back then," Friend recalled. "They submitted their URL and waited patiently to see if it would show up in a search. Everyone took the Meta keyword tag seriously and the practice of utilizing 'white text on a white background' to hide hidden keywords was a legitimate tactic that webmasters would use to include keywords in their website for search engine crawlers. There was no fear of penalties, and you built a website, crossed your fingers, and hoped for the best."

By the late '90s, engines were identifying the white-on-white approach as spamdexing and taking action. In any case, that meant ranking was both simpler and more fragile than it is today. The early search web was an experimental stage where the rules had not hardened, and the feedback loop between publishers and engines was still manageable and easier to test and interpret. Once search became the main gateway to the web, that open-ended environment collapsed into a more adversarial one.

"The hard truth that most people do not want to face is that scraping and ranking turned the Internet into a manufacturing facility of content," Friend said. "Websites went from being written for people to being written primarily for search engine crawlers."

PageRank changes everything

Google’s crucial contribution was not that it discovered search; it was that it changed the logic of ranking. Among other things, PageRank treated links as signals of authority, which made relevance partly a question of how the web itself pointed to a page. It marked a major shift because it made results seem more trustworthy and made simple manipulation harder, though obviously not impossible.

Just as importantly, Google paired that ranking approach with a stripped-down interface and a results page that got out of the way. The clean design mattered because it reinforced the sense that search should be a utility, not a portal amusement park. In practice, Google made the search box feel like the front door to the whole web, with the same intrinsic, vital importance that a front door serves in a home.

Why the old web mattered

In retrospect, the pre-Google era was slower, messier, and in many ways less efficient. But it also had more competing ideas about how information should be found, categorized, and judged, alongside a lawless atmosphere that suggested unlimited potential. Some systems trusted people. Some trusted crawlers. Some trusted directories, and some trusted questions phrased in plain English.

"The Internet contained an inherent level of clutter and chaos," Friend remembered. "But at the same time, it was a much more humanized place before. It's why many of us feel nostalgic for that time. The Internet had an artisanal feel to it. It was made by real people using text editors such as Notepad and Dreamweaver. You might start at one destination and find yourself at a fan site of an obscure band, and then end up at a forum discussing vintage synthesizers, and ultimately end up on a NASA page."

That diversity is worth remembering because it shows that search was never necessarily destined to look the way it does now. The pre-Google engines weren't just failed precursors. They were serious attempts to address a problem that the web had made urgent but not yet solvable in one obvious way. Google won by combining technical rank, usability, and scale at exactly the moment the rest of the Internet was ready to abandon the old order.

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LeMadChef
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